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A Wonderful account of William Linn's
Life and Service to Country - This document
contains Linn's on almost every page. Everypage
is part of what Wm Linn participated in, thus, his History

 LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS

Transcriptions by Phyllis J. Bauer
 

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 8, Series J, Pages 35-37
Microfilm No. 23

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Reminiscences of Mann Butler Including his Memory of Col. William Linn Being Killed by the Indians

[p. 35] Captain Joseph Saunders

He was an Ensign in the Regiment of Col. Geo. Gibson of the Virginia Continental Troops in Gen. Washington’s Army, and resigned shortly before Gen. Washington took up winter quarters at Valley Forge. He was afterwards in 1779 a Lieutenant in the Troops which guarded at Albemarle Barracks the British force captured at Saratoga.

In 1778 Col. Geo. R. Clark surprised and reduced the British posts at Kaskaskia, Cahokia and Vincentz as then called but now "Vincennes" after the reduction of Vincennes, the post, with a few men was left under the command of Captain Leonard Holm, with power, as Indian agent to treat with the Indians.

In the spring of 1779 Gov. Hamilton with a number of British Regulars and Indians re-captured Vincennes. Col. Clark received notice of that event, and left Kaskaskia and with great ?alerity? marched to surprise Hamilton and recovered the post. Here and at this time the Brass double-fortified six-pounder was obtained. Clark sent Hamilton on to the Governor of Virginia and returned to Kaskaskia commanded an expedition against and beat the Indians on Fox river of the Illinois river.

John Montgomery was Lieut. Colonel under Clark and sent on to Virginia as from Kaskaskia for a reinforcement. In the spring of the year 1779 Montgomery had obtained about 200 Regulars and to reinforce Clark at Albemarle Barracks Capt. Saunders resigned and joined Montgomery as a volunteer and was attached to the company of the then Captain and afterwards Gen. Robert Todd of Lexington Kentucky.

Col. Montgomery moved his force on to a place 12 miles below on Holstein Island, where they met a militia force commanded by Col. Shelby, father of the late Governor of Kentucky. There, the forces [p. 36] united, and descended to, and took and burnt the Chicamoggy Indian Towns on the Tennessee river and destroyed their corn and every thing else they could find.

After this service was performed Shelby and Montgomery separated their forces and the latter descended the Tennessee and Ohio river, and ascended the Mississippi in large Perouges, each made of a large poplar tree and joined Clark at Kaskias -- at that place in the latter part of the summer 1779 Capt. Saunders received instructions to proceed to the settlements of Virginia to recruit men for military service. On his way he passed Vincennes where he received from Capt. Helm a narration of the reduction, recapture, and recovery of that post. He proceeded that fall to Culpeper County in Virginia in company with Geo. Slaughter. In the fall of 1779 or winter of 1780 Slaughter was commissioned a major, raised 100 men, and was incorporated in Col. Crockets Regiment.

In June 1780 Capt. Saunders came to Louisville, with Capt. Benj. Roberts & Capt. Mark Thomas’ Companies making about 100 rank & file. Capt. Saunders was a Lieutenant in Capt. Thomas’ Company. He remained at Louisville, until about May 1780 when he was sent on to Virginia for money and supplies for the Troops. He was captured at Charlottesville by Tarlton, together with Daniel Boone and Thomas Swearinger, then Delegates from Kentucky to the Virginia Legislature.

In the spring of the year 1780 Fort Jefferson at the Iron Ba___on the Mississippi was established by Col. Clark, with some of his Regulars and families from Kentucky and was abandoned in the year 1781.

In the summer 1780, Col. Clark and Silas Harlan came from [p. 37] Fort Jefferson, by land, through the wilderness to Harrodsburg in Kentucky. In that summer, Clark raised about 1000 men, in Kentucky including his regulars at Louisville, and marched against the Shawnee Indians on the Big Miami in Ohio, and carried with him his Brass six pounder which was captured at Vincennes. The Indians with the assistance of the British,

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 2 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

had made a pretty strong Fort with port holes at Piqua, on a Hill, at the Bank of the Miami, which could not have been reduced by Clarks force, with small arms. Here the Indians stood their ground, but were driven out and the Fort taken principally by means of that Brass Field piece. Their corn, then in roasting Ears, and other property was destroyed.

In the year 1781 Clark went to Richmond in Virginia to raise and concentrate a force to go against and Capture Detroit. He came to the west of the mountains to raise the militia there, to aid in the enterprise. He came on with Crockets Regiment to Louisville, where the militia was to join them. The Militia from the Monongahela, were commanded by Maj. Loughry; and below the mouth of Kentucky, he was decoyed killed and his force totally defeated. Nearly all were killed and made prisoners by the Indians and the enterprise against Detroit failed.

In 1781, the first Fort was built by the Regular troops at Louisville and was temporary and insufficient. In the summer of 1782 a new one was built of sufficient strength containing about an acre.

In 1781 Col. Wm. Linn, who settled Linns Station where the late Col. Richd. Anderson lived, was killed by Indians on the Beargrass. Those Indians were pursued by Captain, then Lieut. Saunders and a small force of Regulars, under his command [p. 38] and a militia force from Beargrass to the 18 mile creek. The Indians had passed over the Ohio river, and a majority decided against pursuing them any further, and returned and dispersed.

[Noted: Communication from Capt. Joseph Saunders taken by Worden Pope Esq. June 1832, Mann Butler  

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 9, Series J, Pages 93-98
Microfilm No. 23

From Henry Bonta

[PJB editor note: The following was difficult to read and transcribe, due to the fact that it is written in a disconnected manner.]

Col. Jas. Harrod married the widow McDaniel a sister of Capt. James Coburn of Harrod’s Station. Wm. Harrod was his brother --- a rough, brave man -- [written in above line: "in a rough abrupt way’] once had comd. at the Falls of Ohio. In spring of ‘80, went down from Red Stone, in a private capacity, called on Col. Dan. Broudhead at Pittsburg, for a passport -- Brodhead looked at him rather keenly, when Harrod observed "You needn’t view me so closely when at home I, too, wear a stick frog on my ?rump?."

After the year ‘84, Col. Jas. Harrod went out a few miles hunting, left his little stepson, ten or 12 years old, --- left him at camp, his clothes caught fire -- jumped into a spring branch, but was so badly burned that he died that night. Col. Harrod placed the corpse on a scaffold to protect it from the wolves -- returned home, got a conveyance, next day took in the body & buried.

Henry Bonta is certain that Col. Jas. Harrod was one of the commissioners for paying the troops on the fall campaign of ‘82. don’t recollect why Harrod was not out on that campaign. Also directly recollects riding with him to Danville after Danville was settled. Thinks, however, he lived several years after [written above line: "as late as ‘73" I Don’t believe the story of Elijah Woods seeing Harrod. The two men that went out hunting with Harrod -- Stone & Bridge.

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 3 of transcription of Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
 

Campaign of 80
Linn had full 500 in his regt -- Logan 250 -- Harrod 200 or 280 -- perhaps 10 or 11 hundred in all. Thinks Floyd had no regt ---- Slaughter with 50 State troops, under Capt. Ben. Roberts.

When McGary was attacked 6 or 8 miles above mouth of Ky. about noon --- Linn’s & Harrod’s men fired upon them, & few shots from the Indians --- one ball passed along the top of his thumb & one of Linn’s men & lodged in his shirt sleeve. The Indian party was, 16 or 17 --

Clarks Campaign of 80
[p. 94] Thinks there was no corn boding at Chillicothe - for it was brunt. The town next attacked was on the north bank of Mad river, two miles below the present Springfield.

In the fight --- Linn crossed with his regt. above the town --- Logan still above Linn. Marched in 4 lines. (Near old Chillicothe in sight caught him heavy shower, thunder and lightning, got guns wet -- at eve - fired off part ______ horses & broke through the line -- fired off bal. next morn) Marched to Piqua on the Mad river 12 miles & reached there considerably in the afternoon -- Harrod crossed below - Linn above, two Indians fired from a corn field on north shore on Linn’s men & fled -- then went through the corn up to the ridge, & had smart exchange of shots before crossing, however, & passing through wood land, with corn field be there & river, were fired on from the field considerably for a fourth of a mile, no ________ above. Capt. Hawkins of Linn’s regt was grazed on top of his head & one man killed.

Then the two of [them] went to town and there saw 4 or 5 Indians in a cabin below the fort shooting at the men -- the cannon fired a single passed through - the Indians couldn’t stand that & scampered off -- while John Lee, Henry Bonta, of Sims regt in the weeds upon the side hill, saw this Indian party, Lee fires & while reloading one of the Indians returned a fire & shot the top of Lees ram rod off as he had it partly rammed down - This was after the regular fight in the hollow square.

During the day sometime - Capt. Hickman was missing, supposed killed - afterward we learned to have gone to the Indians.

In the town before the fort don’t recollect much about the fight -- save scattering fighting. Think not more than 15 Indian scalps taken -- and about 15 white killed & a few wounded.

Campaign of ‘82
Henry Bonta was in Logan’s regt. -- John Logan was Lieut. under Col. Ben. Logan. - Boone Col. of Fayette troops - Patterson Lt. Col. perhaps 100 men; McGary was chosen Colonel at mouth of Licking. Floyd had a ret. The spies shot at a Indian 3 or 4 ms from New Chillicothe or Piqua with the horseshoe bend before it. -- McCracken’s horse went ahead, with some of the others who happened to be halter mounted, went ahead all under Maj. Wales of the States troops -- reached the _______ waited till the main body came up: that gave the women & [p. 95] to escape -- ten warriors went off hunting, or nearly all. The troops crossed - knee deep - got some 20 or 30 women & children -- Mrs. McFall, the wife of John McFall, was taken. There found chickens & caught - found soft corn roasted, shelled off & dried, called "tossi-mo-nan-ny’ -- beans -- meat -- all cooking: Logan went the first night to Laramies, 20 miles off -- next day Boone went about 10 ms; Logan got back next day & Boone the same at night. It was the first night that John Reynolds was wounded. Thinks but one Indian killed by Sovereigns party - & he by Taylor. [Written above line: got a pipe & tomahawk; _______ & a _______ & given to Gen. Clark.]

Early in evening -- Capt. Thos. More, of McGary’s regt. -- was often guard that night -- double sentry perhaps 100 Indians -- firing lasting an hour -- sometimes more, then slack; fired at flash of guns. Thinks no such incident occurred as a man’s firing from behind a log 2 or 3 shots & then get shot -- Wilson thinks same. Nor indeed was anyone hurt that night. Nobody scared -- didn’t think it much of a fight -- Indians kept at a pretty good distance.

It was the first night that Sovereigns talked with the Indians. Several alarms; fired the three pounder several times, probably when Reynolds was wounded -- McCracken was buried a little above mouth of Licking. Don’t recollect if the 50 meeting - Thinks McGary was tried at Beardstown for killing Moluntha -- broke
 

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 4 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

of his commission - Wasn’t thought much of afterwards - a _______: It was said he - after battle of Licks, reached home the night after on Shawnee _, at his Station -- & slept part of the night under his own roof -- A good horse -- fully 65 miles!

Maj. Lougheridge --
or perhaps Laughery, from the Monongahela or Greenbriar county, started in ‘81 to join Clark’s intended campaign agst Detroit, defeated -- It was above mouth of Ky river at the Loughridges creek or Ohio river; Indians camped there -- Lougheridge, thought they were whites, landed & was routed.

Thinks Slaughter was out in ‘80 - not in ‘82. Wasn’t much of a man. Married a Fields - some of the Ky Fields lived near ?P______?

Death of Col. Linn
[p. 96] In Feb. or March of ‘81 - was going from Linn’s Station to attend court at Louisville - had gone about a mile was waylaid -- three or 4 Indians shot at him.

Memo: Henry Wilson was on the campaign of Gen. Clark against the Indians as he represents: These notes were taken in 1843: In 1847, 1 examined the archives at Richmond & found his name on the pay roll for both campaigns in Capt. John Allison’s company, on the former; & in Capt. Simon Kenton’s company on the latter.

See Note Book, No. 2 of Illinois Papers - p. 3d & 15th.

Henry Bonta was also on the same two campaigns as he states in the notes. See note Book No. 2, of "Illinois Papers," p. 10 & 13. Near Baltimore, Feb. 29, 1848 L.C.D.

Additional memos of Henry Wilson - notes at the same time as the preceding, in memo book: "After the battle on Mad River in 1780, in cutting up & destroying the corn, found two Indians in the corn -- evidently father & son, the younger wounded, the other evidently remained to take care of him - both were killed."

"Capt. Job Hale,
in whose company Henry Wilson was, in Adairs battle in 1794, had 60 men -- Abram James wounded."

[PJB editor’s note: The following is written by the grandson of Henry Wilson. He is a very poor speller and writer, but the original text is followed as closely as possible.]

Flatrock Dec the 12th 1847
Dear Friend, My Granfather has received two letters from you, we were very glad to hear from you and to hear that you were still laboring on your history, the letter you first wrote we neglected to ansurr, more through careless- ness than anything else, Father has been about half of his time from home engaged in Speculation and been very busily engaged and is from home at present I will make the attempt to ansurr it sir but I dont know whether I can do it satisfactorily or not. My Grandfather is now in his 93rd year the old man is getting very frail his reccollection has failed him very much since you were hear he reecolects Gen. Gorge Rogers Clark and some of his compatriots I will commence at the first of those that you have named, he reccolects Maj. Wm. Shannon but nothing more, Maj. George Walls came from Pennsylvania recolects no decendants nor where he died, Capt. Edward Worthington Emigrated from Pen. he lived the most of his time in harrodsburg, Ky. He was in the battle at piqua town he is ded; no decendans as he can recolect -- Capt. Richard McCarty, lived at Harodsburgh and the falls of the Ohio, cant recolect where he emigrated from, Capt. James Sullivan cant recolect any thing about him, Capt Ben Lin; well acquainted with him cant recolect where he emigrated from he

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 5 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

[p. 94] He recollects that Col. Boone was out on Clarks campaign of 1780 against the shawnee on mud river Isaac Hite, Azariah Davis, Emigrated from pensylvania he has seen nearly all the balance that you have named but had no acqantence with them. Isac Hite was on the campaign of 82 he reccolects of his loosing his horse near Covington ky That you know all about; he cant reccolect any thing more of importance his Health is verry Good at presant he had a very severe spell the year after you left hear the old man can scarsly walk, troubled with rhumatism I can discover that his reecolection has failed him very much since you were hear old Mr. Banta is ded, he died in 1843. the old man was blind some time before he died, the old man is very anxcious to read your history and would like to get it as soon as you finish it and is willing to pay any price for it, Yours respectfully Henry T. Wilson

Lyman C. Draper Grand Son of Capt. H. Wilson 

GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 10, Series J, Page 120
Microfilm No. 24

Part of a letter from Thomas Rogers to Lyman C. Draper

Sapsley Hall, near Bowling Green, Ky., Sept. 3rd 1847

[Paraphrased] ... nor have I any knowledge of Capt. Benj. Linn, but about 25 or 6 years ago, I had occasion to be frequently on business, in the county of Henderson in Kentucky and in Posey County in Indiana, just opposite, across the Ohio - in Posey near the river, then lived a man named Dan Linn, who was one of the signers to the constitution of Indiana, having been a member of the convention that formed it. He might have been a son of Capt. Benj. Linn. Dan I believe removed from Tennessee to Posey County, and I think he is dead and his family gone away for I occasionally hear from that quarter, where I have some property, and have heard nothing lately of them . .

[sig:l Tho. Rogers

[PJB, editor ’s note: It is known that Dan[n] Linn/Lynn was not a son of Capt. Benjamin Linn.]

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS

Volume 36, Series J, Pages 38-41

Microfilm No. 30

Page 6 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

Biographical Notes on Benjamin Linn

Editor PJB’s note: Unfamiliar abbreviations have been spelled out, and some punctuation, capitalization, paragraphing, etc. has been added to clarify and make the reading easier. Much of the incorrect spelling has been left intact so as not to entirely destroy the flavor of the writing.

The underscoring of a word or a blank, indicates a word that was difficult or impossible to decipher.

General George Rogers Clark
’s Officers
[p. 38] Gen. McAfee, Nov 30 1847, says on Mr. Thomas authority that Capt. Linn & James Ray sniched [sneaked?] out of Harrodsburg & brought Francis McConnell in with the aid of two others.

Ben. Linn --
The first church collected & organized in the Upper Green river country, was a Baptist church by Benj. Linn on No-Linn Creek in 1782. It was the second Baptist church, and the second of any denomination in Kentucky. It was composed of thirteen members, and met at Phillips Fort, about a quarter of a mile from Knoll Linn. Three years afterward he settled on Pottinger’s Creek, in Larue County and founded a church of eighteen members. 1777 - Linn distinguished himself in the defense of Harrodsburg in the spring of 1777, killing one of the Indian assailants.

Early in 1781, Ben. Linn, John LaRue & John Garrard went out from Beargrass or the Falls to make a settlement, selecting the Knoll as their fort or station. They prepared to survey the country, & make preparations for the approaching winter - In one of their hunting expeditions, Linn was separated from his companions, became bewildered and lost in the forests. The company returned at night, but could give no tidings of Linn. A consultation was held, and it was resolved that the wearie hunters should spend the night in search for their cort [close?] friend and pastor. The campfire blazed on the brow of the hill, and besides them watched through the night the wife of the lost one. The sounds of the [p. 39] horn came mingling with the moan of the chili winds, and through each hour of the night was heard the approaching head of some returning hunter, as he came towards the Knoll to report, and leave if the lost had yet been found by the searchers. "No Linn" would break the silence as the fort was approached. ‘No Linn Yet" was the answer from the sentinel on the knoll, and back again went the weary hunter into the depths of the midnight forest.

Morning came, the company, one after another returned. "No Linn Yet" was still the report, and the answer. Again they renew the search. Some fifteen miles from the Knoll they found where he had encamped, and called it "Linn Camp Creek." They soon found the object of their search. Worn & exhausted he was borne back to his family and friends.

That night was never to be forgotten, and the loved man of God, who on the beautiful Knoll, was the first to announce the glorious gospel of peace in all that region South of the Salt river, impressed his name and his memory on the of his sufferings. The Knoll was called ‘No-Linn"; the creek that sweeps by it is [p. 40] "No-Linn Creek," and the No-Linn Association, together with other local names, perpetuate his memory.

Note at top of page: "Benjn. Linn, not allowed" so recorded in is list of those entitled to lands in Illinois Grant, Probably needed to remain a hunter for supply of Harrodsbg.

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 7 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

But deeds were his, unnoticed by the pen of the historian, which are recorded in heaven. To the scattered huntsmen he was the messenger of peace. In Phillips Fort, at No-Linn all along the stations on Green river, wherever a settlement was made, Linn was found an early visitor, swimming rivers, passing through the most perilous dangers, on his hands and knees at midnight, crawling through or near the Indian encampments. He counted not his life ?Isai? unto him, that he might preach the unsearchable riches of Christ, instruct, confirm, and comfort the suffering forefathers of Kentucky. Like that well-known dome on which he so often preached, ere one tree fallen in the dark forest around it, his memory should stand forth prominent and familiar a symbol, a memorial of the endurance and the principles of the denomination to which he belonged.

Rev. S. H. Ford,
in Christian Repository, Oct. 1856, Louisville, Ky. Henry Wilson says Ben. Linn was on campaign 1780.

For further facts abt. Ben. Linn, see letters & notes of Andw. Linn, & John Chisholm’s letter & his Daughter’s, both in vol. of notes & cor. abt. Col. Wm. Linn & Clark’s officers. Andw. Linn is better authority than John Chisholm about place of Linn’s nativity. When lost, had 10 men with him exploring.

[p. 41] Ben Lin : Col. Montgomery says Wm. Linn went as a hunter with him to Kask[askia] (Ms. Papers iv 32), May 3, 1777, Kaches, Mo. of Ohio with his powder cargo. (Ms. Papers iv 22, is spy apptd. by Clark in Payne Papers.)

Biographical Sketch of William Linn
Col. Wm. Linn, son of Andw. Linn, was born in the beautiful valley of Pohatcong, in Warren Co. New Jersey. The father was born in Ireland and brought to America in 1701 when a child at the breast, his father settling first on Long Island where he married, and raised six children, 4 sons and 2 daughters. The second son was born in 1734. And afterwards he removed to New Jersey. Wm. Linn when a young man went to the western part of Maryland, and is said to have acted as a spy on Braddock’s campaign, and reconnoitered Fort Duquesne prior to the defeat of the British Army. He subsequently acted as a spy, serving in Capt. Alexander Beall’s company in 1757, of which Evan Shelby was at first Lieutenant. The following year Shelby had a company of his own.

Note in margin: 1776, fail - Gibson apptd. to go to New Orleans Am. Archs. v.1-746. 1776 his letter & sufferings: Ms. Papers, Ill - 65, 74, 67-68. Pa. Papers, p. 3.

Shortly after Braddock’s defeat, Col. Thomas Cresap went on a scout, nine miles west of Cumberland encountered a party of Indians at the base of Savage mountain, about a mile south of the present Frostburg, where after treeing, a fight occurred in which a young Cresap was killed, Wm. Linn shooting the Indian who had slain him.

About 1769 Linn with others of his connections removed to the Red Stone country and serving on McDonald’s Wappatonian expedition he was badly wounded in the contest that occurred.

Note in margin: 1779 raised 100 men for intended Detroit Expedition. Jas. Bowman, Clark Papers 111, No. 51. In 1775, Nov., we gathered at Pittsburgh for our expedition agent Wm. Linn repaired there with a company with Wm. Harrod for his Lieut.

In 1775, when George Gibson raised his company of riflemen, Wm. Linn was chosen the Lieutenant, and figured in the fight at the Long Bridge, near Norfolk, as well as in the affair at Hampton.

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 8 of transcription of Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

In 1776, Gibson and Linn were selected for an adventureous expedition to New Orleans to procure a supply of powder and returned the next year with 150 kegs of that greatly needed article for the public use, which they had to carry Keg by Keg over the portage at the Falls of Ohio, and from their fortunate acquisition Col. G. R. Clark obtained the recovered supply for his Illinois Campaign.

In 1773 Linn commanded a company of scouts in the Wheeling region and distinguished himself by saving the men of Capt. Foreman’s company from annihilation at the Grave Creek Narrows. In 1778 he migrated with his family accompanying Clark’s expedition to Corn Island, at the Falls of the Ohio, & farmed an important part of the Corn Island Settlement. Soon after Clark took his departure from the Falls on his Illinois expedition, an important letter arrived at that point from Col. John Campbell from Fort Pitt, announcing the French alliance, and Linn took it in charge and overtook Col. Clark just before his arrival at Fort Massac and continued on with the expedition acting as Major, to Clark in command and his heirs recovered a Major’s quota of land of the Illinois Grant for his service.

Notes in margin: 1777, April 23rd one of Linn’s men badly wounded while hunting game for Linn’s men: ? ? Oct. Senr. ? 1777, p. 19. Another note: His death was a retaliatory measure - see Clark notes 1781 --- related? Another note: In 1775 with a party of 5, at Lower Blue Licks. Shane ii, Fleming Co. 9. Another note: Kills Indians (5) on Salt River: Shane i, 35 --- Bourbon Co. Another note- Allowed in Ills. Lieut., having "second or Major" in Kaskaskia campaign 1st list of allowances. 

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 17-38
Microfilm No. 30

Letter From Andrew Linn (s/o Andrew Linn, Jr.)
Cookstown, Pa.

To: Lyman C. Draper, Baltimore, MD

Editor PJB’s note: The transcription is faithful as possible, however, some punctuation and paragraphing may have been added for clarity in reading.

[p. 17] Col. Wm. Linn
February the 8th 1845 Sir, I received your letter of January 25. You wanted to know where Col. Lynn was born. He was born in the Jerseys on a stream called Pohateonk [sic] the county I am not able to state. You also wanted to know how old he was when he moved to Maryland and where he moved to. He moved to Washington county and was about sixteen or seventeen years of age. You wanted to know whether he was at the Battle of Grave Creek. He was not there, because I have it from his own mouth the reason is he did not command the company. The company was under command of Capt. Foreman. Col. Lynn solicited him not to pass the narrows, that there was     (cont below)

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 9 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

great danger in passing there, and if he would insist on going through the narrows he would not go with him. You also wanted to know his age I would judge that he was about forty-five or forty-six by my father’s age. He was the next eldest child to him. He had six living children. His wife he lost. You also wanted to know my age. I was born in Sept. the 23rd 1766.

Your friend,

Andrew Lynn
 

[Editor PJB’s note: There is a "P.S." in different handwriting - very shaky, very hard to read. Believe this "P.S." was actually written by Andrew Lynn, and the above was dictated to someone who then wrote it. See the bottom of this page for L.C.D.’s transcription of it.]

[p. 17a] Memo by L.C.D. 6th March ‘45: It must have been on Pohatcong creek (see American Atlas) Warren Co. N. J. where Col. Wm. Linn was born & the year about 1736 - about 1753 when 17, moved to Washington County Md.

The P. S. on preceding page is thus: "I think there is a mistake with respect to there being a man at the battle of Grave Creek of the name of Linn -- I am well satisfied it is an error. I am well assured confidant that there were none in this country [of our name] only my father’s connection. The mistake has taken its rise from the death of my brother John Linn who was killed by the Indians sometime after the battle at Grave Creek. --- Col. Wm. Linn crossed over the hill from Grave Creek, and when he heard the firing commence he ran down till he met a man with his thigh broken and assisted him up the hill and left him till he returned two days after. A. L."

[p. 18] - [Editor PJB’s note: Very difficult to read and transcribe.]

Fayette County Pennsylvania, April 8, 1845.

Dear Sir, I received your Letter of the 8 of March Stating some more interogatives as respects my uncle Col. William Linn & some other Questions you ask me the birth of my father he was born in 1732 you wish to know wheather Col. Linn was in Braddocks Defeat, I think he was not; he was [with] some other servis --- you ask me wheather he was with any of the Later campaigns; he was with Genl. Forbes at the Loyal Hanna, 1758 -- but I don’t know wheather he went on to Pittsburgh or not. I think he was not out any more til the time he was wounded with McDonald in 1774. 1 can’t say anything about the Circumstances of the battle nor whare it took place; you want to know Capt. Foreman’s first name. I most abel to say if I did have knowledge I forget --- you want to know what Foreman was doing at Grave Creek Narrows they was at the flats a short Distence below the narrows to Discover if any Indians had Crosst over the Ohio or Prowling about the Neighborhood --- they campt at the flats about one Mile below the Narrows, and on their return to Wheling they were defeated --- there was but one man with Linn when he went over the hill, but I can’t call his name --- when they heard the frong [throng?] they ran down the hill until they met the man that had his thigh broke; they then returned with the wounded and assisted him over the hill & secreted him in a tree & left him some bisket & said he would return in two days; he then went to Wheeling & returned within the time he had for his return agreeable to this promise he said it was with Great Deficulty he could - any time to go for the man that was wounded at the Distence nine miles & Expecting to meet with the Indians Every moment ---- you ask me the facts respecting my brother John Linn being kild by the Indians he was a spy sent out by the State & was kild on White Woman’s creek in Ohio in 1792; he was Born February 1769. You ask me if any of the Linn Conection was Hd besides my Brother; there was a younger brother of Col. William Linn kild in Ken-  .. (cont below)

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 10 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

...tucke. I cannot say wheather before he was kild or shortly after --- you inquire wheather his wife Died before or after the Deaths of her husband; Col. William Linn had two wives one Died in Pennsylvania; then married again & what became of her I know not. [p. 19] - You Inquire wheather I was aquainted with James & William Harod & Col. Williamson. I new Williamson & I think he Died in 1803 & wheather he left any children I am not able to say --- you want to know when Col. Linn movd from Maraland to the Mongahela I think in the year 1769 or 70. --- Sir you with preceive the dificulty I Labor under to write; my nirves is So weak & trembling that with Dificulty you will be able to read the above.
Andrew Linn

[p. 20] - [Editor PJB’s note: Very shaky writing, very difficult to transcribe.]

[To:] Lyman Draper [From:] Andrew Lynn] My worthy friend I received your Letter of the _ _; you wish to know which was the oldest my father or Col. William Linn father was the oldest child; William next, then Nathan; then Benjamin. Nathan was kild by the Indians in Kaintukke & Bengmen the youngest Died I think about 30 years since on Green river in Kentucky. I have no Distinct recollection of the Defeat of Capt. Foreman as respects the two I can assertain the date very Easy; their is a monument standing on the ground whare the battle took place with the Captains name, number held & date or time it took place but I cannot recollect the Date at this time as I have not seen it for several years. My brother John Linn was kild I think on the 19th of October 1792, he was then in the imployment of the Government as a Spy & his only companion & as a spie was John Crawford was with him when kild, they never separated when in the woods they could not a been in the company you mention; there was 5 in Company when Linn was kild --- Crawford, Bigs, Hedge, Linn the other I can’t name; was a John Linn at the attack on Whelin in 1777; it could not be my Brother at that time he did not exceed nine years of age being born in 1768 & I am well satisfied that there was none of the name of Linn in this Section of Country at that time only our Connection ---- their must be a mistake as respects John Linn being at Wheeling when attacked by the Indians --- I know _____ Simon Gurty I have always from others understood that he was of a very Distinctive Connection & family & was the Event Their of a Savage Disposition he lived before he joined the Indians on the Allgany above Pittsburgh but whar come from I have no knowledge ---- I will write to a frend at Grave Creek to ascertain the Date of Forman’s Defeats & communicate it to you; Skoolcraft name of the man that had his the [sic] broken; at the Defeat was Joseph Cappeles.

July 27, 1845 From your friend Andrew Linn

[p. 21] - [PJB: Very shaky, very hard to read.]

[To:] Lyman Draper, Philadelphia, Pa.

Fayette County Pennsilvania [From: Andrew Lynn] 20 Sept 1848

My worthy friend, I received your letter of the 30 of August which gave me great satisfaction to hear from you & that you are well & able to attend to the of your work --- you Say you have no Evidence of George Rogers Clark being out in McDonald’s Expedition; he was out in Dunmore’s Campaign in 74 in the Right wing of the army; G. McDonald Commanded that part of the troops, Clark was with him. Wheather Clark was at the Wapatomia town or not I cant say --- There was whare Col. Wm. Linn was wounded... (cont below)

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 11 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

might a been there then; he returned to Virginia in the fall of Seventy-four & early in Seventy-five went to Kentucky --- you ask me if I have any knowledg when Bald Eagle was kild Durrding the mongohala river; I am Satisfied it was in the fall of 72 or Early in the Spring of Seventy three whare their old Chief died I have no knowledge; as to the Ohio Destroying a Small Indian Settlement, at Bufltown, I have no recollection of the trans- action if it was the case ---- [L.C.D. note.- Bulltown destroyed -- see Withers at Bulltown] again as Respects to George Rogers Clark I think from Cercumstances within my knowledge which would be as Gentry to relates, that Clark was never Sent to the Indian town as a Spie; I have heard him relate to my father, I believe, all the transactions of his Life in this western Cuntry & never heard him Say anything on that Subject --- as Norfells.

Col. Edward Cook - he has no children Living, & I think from my knowledge he was only a Molisha Col. & was never in the Regular Serves in the Revolutionery Wars, nor before at that period. I have anserd all the Interogeterys sent me as far as I have any Knowlige; there is Service of you I gathered after that I never once heard of, I am well & would be happy to here from you.

Respectfull from your friend Andrew Linn

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 12 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

Interview With Andrew Linn, son of Andrew Linn, Jr, Cookstown, Pa.

[p. 22] Col. Wm. Linn of Ky

From Andw. Linn (a nephew) Cookstown, Pa.

Born in Maryland 23 Sep 1766, now Oct. 6,1845

The father of Col. Wm. Linn, (Andrew Linn) was brought to this county from Ireland by his parents, in the year 1701, when a child at the breast; and the family settled on the Muskonekonk in New Jersey. (Andw. Linn, my informant says it is a mistake about his ancestors first settling on Long Island -- he has often heard his father and kin speak of Muskonekonk* and Pohatkonk* but the former the most, and hence is quite certain that it was there where his ancestors settled.)

There Andw. Linn, Sr. when he grew up, married, raised six children -- two daughters, names not recollected, one of them married a John Polk & emigrated to Carolina, to the neighborhood or region of Mecklenburg -- then Andw. (the father of my informant) born in 1732; then Col. Wm. Linn, born in 1734; then Nathan born in 1736; & the youngest [cont. on p. 22a]

*Note in margin: Musconetcong Creek or river flowing on the western boundary in Adams Co. & Huntington into the Delaware, New Jersey - has a fine valley - the stream nearly 40 miles long. Pohatcong Creek in Warren Co. New Jersey, a fine stream with a fertile valley - the creek of 23 or 24 miles, flowing into the Delaware 8 or 9 miles below Philipsburg. These two streams, nice parallel with each other, not very far apart as shown by map of New Jersey in Gardon's History and Topography of New Jersey. Musconetcong ranqe of Jersey are in the East of Musconetcong river and extend well up on that border of the valley.

[p. 22a] re: Col. Wm. Linn Benjamin, born in 1738. These children, raised on a frontier, had but very limited opportunities of education. Andw. Linn, the Elder lost his wife, and subsequently, about 1750, emigrated with his family to the western fron- tier of Maryland, near where Fort Frederick on the Potomac was subsequently erected about half way between Hancock and Hagerstown, about 3 miles below Licking Creek. With Andrw. Linn, came his brother Thos. Linn and family. During the French war, Thos. Linn was killed by a party of Indians, scalped his son Thomas and took captive his son Isaac and carried him off to the Delaware Towns; Captain John was the leader of the Indians --- Isaac was not over 10 years old when taken and kept 12 years before he was restored to his people. Thomas from the effects of being scalped, went blind and lived many years, without ever recovering his sight.*

Andw. Linn,
the elder, in his old, age went to Ky, to his youngest son's Benjamin, on Green river, where he died in 1800, aged one hundred. [Note at bottom of page*: See Crawford Papers, p. 79]

[p. 23] Col. Wm. Linn took part in Braddock War*

He went to reconnoiter Fort Duquesne, swam the Monongahela, made observations, returned and reported to Gen. Braddock. This was a long, tedious and perilous enterprise; & none but a brave and hardy frontierman would have undertaken it. He was not in the fatal defeat of Braddock; he was then, it is thought, on some other service, either with Dunbar or at home protecting his own kinsmen....(cont  below)

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 13 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

...Shortly after Braddock's defeat, Col. Thos. Cresap [Note in Mss.:(See Jacob's life of Cresap p. 29)] went on a scout - Wm. Linn was of this party - and pursuing Braddock's trail, nine miles of Cumberland, and about one mile south of the present Frosttown and as they had passed over to the western base of Savage Mountains where a party of Indians were discovered, & Cresap's party treed and the firing commenced - young Cresap was killed as Mr. Jacob's says; but Wm. Linn always claimed shooting the Indian as he aimed at the red shot pouch across his breast, and it was [p. 23a] discovered that a ball passed through the strap into the Indians breast. The Indians then fled.

In Col. Cresap's affair at the Negro Mountain [Note in Mss.: Jacob, p. 301, Col. Linn's elder brother Andw., took part; & would have killed an Indian but for the flashing of his gun. During the troubles of the French war, the Linns took shelter at Fort Frederick; a part of the time at Stoddart's Fort, half a mile west from Hancock, on the second bank of the river; and while there, Thos. Linn was killed, one son scalped & another captured -- and at another period, forted at Col. Cresap's fort at Oldtown.

When Oldtown was attacked, Wm. ?Necloer?, a merchant, had a store a little distance from the fort; & in fleeing to the fort, he was killed just over the bridge of the millrace, on the fort side. One of the Cresaps [had] taken shelter behind a large black stump, & while an Indian [was] behind a small tree which did not fully screen him, & loading his gun, young Cresap shot him in the hip - he did not [p. 24] get away. The Indians left immediately. Killbuck did secrete himself under the bridge, as Mr. Jacobs says, and there got wet by a woman squatting on the bridge - my informant, has often heard his mother mention this, then being in Cresap's Fort.

Note in margin: *The Mss. Shelby Papers show a muster roll of Capt. Alexr. Beall's company, Lieut. Evan Shelby - raised around Fort Frederick and doing duty on ranging service during the summer and autumn of 1757 - and Wm. & Andrw. Linn were privates. As the next year, 1758, Evan Shelby commanded a company, it is safe to conclude that Wm. Linn was a member of it & then, as stated, by Andw. Linn's note, swam the Monongahela to make observations. [L.C.D. note: P.S. Another muster roll of Capt. Evan Shelby's company of June 1758, shows Wm. and Andrw. Linn's names, these two equipped with each a tomahawk, blanket, leggings and moccasins. The whole company were "volunteers." Danl. Linn was also in Shelby's company and equipped in the same manner.

When Kilbuck left, [he] took with him a live heifer calf to the Mingo Bottom; and my informant has seen persons who subsequently drank milk from this cow.

On another occasion, while the people at Oldtown were hauling with two or three teams from the river, they were attacked by Capt. John's party, the horses broke loose and ran-off - Capt. John was wounded, his arm badly broken - & the whites escaped without injury. Young Isaac Linn1 was then with the Indian party. This was in the morning; and Capt. John and his party started immediately back for the Indian towns, and reached Tittles place, near the present Frosttown, some 24 miles that night.

[p. 24a] Col. Wm. Linn - Services - Linn was out, in 1758, Gen. Forbes's campaign; but no particulars; and was most probably in Evan Shelby's company, & if so was in the affair at Loyal Hannings.

1. Editor's note: Stoddart's Fort. Young Isaac Linn was the boy who was carried off by the Indians when they attacked... (cont below)

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 LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 14 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

He early married in Western Maryland, by whom he had six children, Drusilla, Theodocia or Dorcas, Wm., Cid, Rachael and Benjamin. The two eldest of the girls early married in Kentucky - one to a Ruddell - and both with their families were taken at Ruddell's Station; & my informant does not know when nor how they ever got back, if at all. All are probably now dead. Cid2 was a pilot at the Falls of Ohio, and was there drowned; and Wm. went to Missouri.

About 1769 both Andw. and Col. Wm. Linn emigrated to the Monongahela, and Wm. settled a plantation where Cookstown now is and Dr. Wm. J. Lynn says merchandised there. Here he lost his wife, and in '79 returned to Maryland, and again married, but without issue - Probably in Ky. when his first wife died.

In '74 Wm. Linn joined Maj. McDonald, and went to the ?Neappotonica? town and in the affair was wounded in the shoulder. This probably prevented him from going out with [p. 25] Dunmore shortly after.

When the Revolution broke out, he marched to Williamsburg, as Lieutenant of Capt. George Gibson's rifle company and with Gibson went to New Orleans for ammunition, with two keel boats and about 25 men. No incident recollected on their down trip. Somehow Gibson was detained - and Linn was left to get up [the river] with the powder. In laying the necessary supplies, Andw. McClure, the commissary, neglected to to lay in the proper supplies, and he and Linn fell out and McClure left the party; & Linn took upon himself to attend to this matter. On the way up [the river], the men were troubled with sickness from exposure & hardships; & at the mouth of [the] Ozark, Linn sent a messenger to go by land to the Spanish commandant at St. Louis, imploring [him for] said provisions - probably men also; but upon after reflection Linn began to fear, that as the Spanish were not then known as friends to the American cause, that they might attempt to intercept the American party; and Linn and his party concluded that they would make every exertion and sacrifice to pass the mouth of the Ohio - where aid was solicited [p. 25a] to meet them - previous to the time appointed for that purpose; & this, by dint of great toil, and suffering, they accomplished some 3 or 4 hundred miles. It was subsequently learned that they thus escaped an attack, and perhaps captivity and death; for a party of Indians, doubt- less sent by the Spanish, went, at the appointed time, and missed the object of their design.

At last they reached the Falls of Ohio - no one residing there then -- & there carried the powder by hand, and dragged up the boats over the rocks and shoals. The powder was safely delivered at Pittsburgh -- These facts, my informant learned from his uncle Col. Linn, from his parents, and from James Laughlin one of Linn's party, who lived near Brownsville, and subsequently went to Ohio.

 Grave Creek Affair - Capt. Foreman's, where from, not known. Linn, very likely, like Foreman, went with a company to the relief of Wheeling, after the siege in 1777. Linn, with a part of his company, united with Foreman, & went to Grave Creek - & Foreman & his party camped with their [p. 26] fires burning (my informant thinks, at the block house, near the Big Mound) & Linn and some others retired. Next morning, on their way back to Wheeling, Foreman went through the Narrows, against the advice of Linn who thought it a dangerous pass. No recollection about the trinkets. The most of Linn's own men seemed to prefer remaining with Foreman. And when they were all suddenly attacked, six of Linn's men were killed, viz. George Avery, Thos. Brazier, Wm. Williams, Hugh Clark, John Polk, and one other; and Harry Castleman, another of Linn's men below, in running up the hillside so exerted and strained himself that he for a short period was blind, but blundered along as well as he could until his sight came again to him -- he escaped. 

2. Editor's note: "Cid" was the nickname of Asahel Linn.

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS

Page 15 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

Very likely Linn and his four companions had fired on the Indians, who fled; & about halfway down the hill, Linn and one of his men came upon John Cullens with his thigh broken; and they took him up the hill and some distance back, and hid him [in] a tree top - and left him, Linn promising faithfully to [p. 26a] return with a party and convey him away. Cullens feared he would not, but Linn pledged his word; and then Linn put off for David Shepherd's Fort, on Little Wheeling, about eleven miles from the battleground and in the evening night, Linn returned with a party and conveyed Cullens to Shepherd's Fort. This taking him to Shepherd's Fort, is what Cullens himself has stated. When Linn first left Cullens, he gave him some biscuit.

The fight was above at the upper end of the Narrows, where the river approaches the hill, where the bottom is not over six rods wide; & fully two miles above the mouth of Big Grave Creek. Along the left on the river bank, the path was skirted with a thick growth of willows, buckeyes and paw paws - behind which the Indians were posted; & very likely others may have been in a sink hole on the right. In all 22 were killed, including Foreman.

 

Illinois Campaign

Linn joins Clark & had some command assigned him. In marching to Kaskaskia the provisions gave out 3 days before reaching there, and the men had to subsist on black berries of which there were [p. 27] a great abundance & Linn had to urge the men along, who half starved, stopped to pick the ripe fruit. So Col. Linn told my informant.

During the winter of '78 and '79, Linn may have remained at the Falls and perhaps in command there, and my informant thinks he was not at the taking of Vincennes, in Feb. '79. It was probably early in '79, that Linn went to Md and married his second wife and went to Ky with his family and settled Linn's Station on Beargrass in the fall of that year.

1775 Omitted [sic] - In the summer of 1775 Wm. and Andw. Linn, Thos. Brazier and others, went to Ky and made tomahawk improvements on the waters of Licking, within a mile of where Mt. Sterling now is - on the stream, perhaps Hinkston. There locations were subsequently obtained by others and retained.

In '80, Col. Linn's two married daughters were captured at Ruddells Station; and Linn commanded a regiment on Clarks campaign of that year.
 

His station was 12 miles from Louisville and when alone, on his way to the latter & a mile from [p. 27a] his station, seeing a pair of new shoes in the path, dismounted to pick them up, & was shot by Indians in am- bush. It was said, that the evidences on sight indicated that the Indians had had quite a scuffle with Linn, etc.

Col. Linn was about 5 feet 9 inches, heavily formed, dark complexion, black hair and dark eyes - a handsome, round faced, good looking man; of social habits - not over 170 lbs.

His sons Wm. and Cid were captured together with two lads of the name of Brashears, near Louisville, while out duck hunting; and all four were taken to the Indian towns, & kept perhaps a year, when one day, the Indians who claimed them was out on a hunt with his Squaw along. Before day, while the Indian and Squaw were asleep, Wm. Linn fixed the old Indian's gun and had his brother Cid at a signal to pull the trigger, the gun aimed at the Indian's head while he with the tomahawk would dispatch the Squaw. At the signal each performed his part; when all [p. 28] the boys, the Brashears probably the youngest, started for the Ohio, one hundred miles, and very fortunately struck the Ohio a mile above the Falls - made a small raft with sticks, & ...(cont below)

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS

Page 16 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

passed over. Wm. Linn, pursuing behind and pushing it over. This was at some period between 1781 and 1789 at which latter year my informant was at the Falls, and this event happened some years before; for at this latter period Wm. was a man grown. My informant thinks it was about 1782 or '3.

*Note in margin: "Cid must have been Asahel Linn, father of Lewis F. Linn, senator from Missouri.

 Benjamin Linn - About the time his brothers settled on the Monongahela in 1769, Benjamin also came west and devoted himself to hunting & rambled off and lived much of his time with the Indians, until the breaking out of hostilities with the Indians. About '76 he went to Ky and was at Harrodsburg during the troubles of the Spring of 1777, when Pendegrass was killed. A party went out from the fort to a cabin nearby and Linn seeing some new rifles [p. 28a] standing beside it, cautioned his companions to beware of them, as they were a trap; the enemy secreted, then commenced the attack, as their stratagem had failed; Linn shot an Indian dead, & standing up, threw himself upon the ground on his back, seizing the dead body of the Indian upon him, and in- stantly took off the scalp and jumped up, well knowing he would be shot at, & amidst a shower of bunets got off, when he happened to tread upon a frozen hump and hurting a cancer-wart tumbled him over at full length; the Indians thinking they had killed him, raised the yell of triumph; but he was soon up and beyond their reach.

 

The Turnip Patch Affair - One day Linn sitting in a cabin door mending his moccasins, saw the cattle (probably in the morning) as they reached the corner of the fence, the cattle one by one would jump off one side alarmed; which Linn & the others well understood indicated that Indians were secreted there in the weeds; The men in the fort, in three different parties went out [p. 29] of the rear gate and fell upon the rear of the Indians, each party killed an Indian, thus three Indians were killed; the others fled; leaving behind their guns, tomahawks & packs, etc. and were sold at auction & brought quite a little amount & Linn bought a tomahawk at the sale. Thus, Ben. Linn told these two affairs to my informant & his father [Note by L. C. D.: - If there were three parties, & each killed an Indian, then Clark, Jas. Harrod, and James Ray must each have been in different parties, as it is said each killed an Indian.]

 

Spy to Illinois - with a Harrod (& probably one other person at Clark's instance, went to Illinois to make discoveries. They went as far as Cahokia where they were suspected as being spies from Ky., from the fact that they wore white wool hats as many of the Kentuckians then did; but a friend, an American, then living there, told it being at time of in of them to seek that [p. 29a] opportunity to effect their escape or they would be killed, and told them where they would find his canoe. They put off over the river (if Kaskaskia, then across the Kaskaskia) & soon found themselves pursued by Indians, and put off and were three days followed; & on the night of the third day, they reached a prairie about fifteen miles across - they ran at their best speed, and got beyond the reach of their pursuers. This may have been Kaskaskia where Linn and Co. went to spy, etc.

Linn married at Harrodsburg a Sovereigns. In the French war, Wm. Sovereign and several children were taken prisoners on the South Branch of Potomac by the Shewanoes and old Sovereigns perhaps killed. Two of the boys, it is believed, remained with the Indians. One of the girls Linn married.... (Cont below)

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 THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 17 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

No Linn - Linn & two others were out with him hunting - & one night when all were to meet at camp, Linn failed [to appear]; & being camped on a knoll, it was called Knoll-Linn or No Linn. Hence the name of the stream. [p. 30] Linn got lost and wandered off into some of the settlements.

The last my informant heard of his uncle Ben Linn, he had moved somewhere to the Green river, and was living in 1805, since which he had not heard; nor does he know anything of his family. Don't know whether he went out on any of Clark's campaign or not.

Ben. Linn was of ordinary size, light made, fair completion. 

Col. Jas. & Wm. Harrod lived on Ten Mile Creek, in what is now Green County Pa. 

Gen. Charles Scott - Gen. Scott told this narrative to my informant. That he & two others were sent to reconnoitre & spy Fort Duquesne prior to its falling into the hands of the English - probably started from Cumberland. Scott & his two companions secreted themselves on Coal Hill, on the Western shore of the Monongahela, opposite to the Fort, & there waited to take a prisoner - the chief object of their enterprise. At length, after [p. 30a] patiently watching some time, they spied a couple of Frenchmen making over in a canoe, evidently going out hunting - when they landed, the two Frenchmen separated & Scott & his companion gave them chase, but the fugitives were too smart - both reached the canoe & put off. Scott failing in this, & knowing it wd. not do now to remain longer, put off, & never relaxed their flight until a mile up Redstone creek from its mouth, & at an ancient mound on the southern bank, where Scott shot down a large buck, & running up to stick it, the animal gave a strong kick with one of its hind feet, catching the foot in the bosom of Scott's shirt & sending him headlong nearly two rods. A portion of the meat was quickly jerked, a hasty meal eaten; & then pushed on to the little island in the rough where Smithfield now is; & while resting or eating there, the Indians hove in sight, & Scott & his companions again hastily retreated, & saw no more of their pursuers. Scott reported at Cumber- land - & probably for this was made Ensign. Scott pointed out to my informant the mound where he killed the [p. 31] deer - this was while Scott lay at Redstone sometime for the water to rise, about 1785 or 6.

 Siege of Wheeling - My informant thinks there certainly were two sieges. In the siege of '77, after Girty, & his band had left, it was discovered by the inmates of the fort, that very many of the pickets were very much rotted & decayed; & that it would have been an easy matter for the Indians to [have] pushed them down, had they known it, & rushed into the fort. In the other siege, one morning two white men & a negro named Lunen Derry (belonging to Maj. McCullough) went out from the fort onto the hill, to look for some cattle, & were fired on - one of the white men killed; the others escaped to the fort. The fight now commenced. An Indian ventured up & took shelter in an unoccupied cabin -- Lunnen crept out of the fort, & shot the Indian. The Girty siege was the most important - [Note by L.C.D.: McKiseman] [p. 31a] says the 27th Sept. was the date of the Wheeling attack, etc. The Memorial stone* [* at Grave Creek says it was the 25th Sept.] the Massacre of Foreman's men took place & this founded on Withers' statement. Now Withers says, that Foreman left Wheeling 26th Sept. & next morning - i.e. 27th - attacked. (--- Query - may not the man who says he was wounded ?ride? McKisemans statement in Am Pioneer have been wounded at Grave Creek, & not Wheeling?)

Williamson's Campaign - Wm. Johnson (an uncle of my informant) was out, & was one of the number who tried to have the Indians saved; & subsequently tried to save a small Indian boy & girl & take them home with him -- but this was not permitted.

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 LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 18 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor 

Crawford's Campaign - "Nichols & Glover & Jonathan Zaine, piloted them to the Sandusky Plains." Another verse of the old ballad, recollected by Mr. Andw. Linn is -- "The brave Major Brenton, the third in command, In front of the battle so boldly did stand, With courage & conduct his post did maintain, ____ the bullets did settle like hail in a rain." This Maj. Brenton had not long [p. 32] before come to Washington County & lived on Pike run. Brenton survived the battle. Perhaps his first name was Joseph -- but more likely this was the name of a brother who lived on Pike run, near Greenfield, abt. 4 ms above Cookstown. About 1786, shortly after going to Kentucky, he was killed by the Indians near the mouth of Eagle Creek on Ky river.
 

It was said that the tree behind which Col. Williamson fought, had 17 bullets shot into it -- that Williamson urged Crawford when he first reached the neighborhood of Sandusky, to push on before the Indians could collect. My informant gives Williamson full credit for all his military affairs, & thinks such was the opinion of all who knew him -- he was as much respected as any man of his day.

 Williamson's Campaign - Addenda - When the army reached the Moravian town, some of the clothing of children of the family of Hawkins - some of whom had, not long before, been killed on Buffalo Creek, was [p. 32a] discovered and identified. One Miller on Buffalo, in the neighborhood of Hawkins, had been taken prisoner about the time that the Hawkins child or children were killed; & Miller escaped from his captors the first night. Miller said the Indian who took him had a large notable sear on his temple, & if among the Moravian Indians he would be known by this mark; & when the Indians were examined one was found with a handkerchief tied over his forehead -- & when this was removed the scar was plainly exhibited, & the Indian recognized. These were circumstances that went far to excuse the rash & bloody conduct of the men under Williamson. 

Jacob Wetzel - was a small, swarthy man; & understood that he was with Capt. Brady on his trip to Sandusky. In '86 appeared to be about 30.

 JohnWetzel – was he youngest of the brothers, & when my informant saw him in '89, he seemed to be not over 20, of fair complexion.

 Lewis Wetzel - My informant never saw him; well recollects the [p. 33] substance of the antidote about his running & loading & killing several Indians, etc. - that Wetzel went down to New Orleans was apprehended for passing counterfeit money -- of its character he was ignorant -- & was sent to the Spanish mines in Mexico.

 Old John Wetzel - Recollects that he was killed by the Indians; an old Dutchman, & always boasted that he was bullet proof, etc.

 Col. David Roger - The first knowledge my informant has of Rogers, he lived at or near Old Town, Md.; & he thinks Rogers shortly before going to New Orleans, married the widow of Capt. Michael Cresap, of Logan Memory; & that Rev. John J. Jacobs married the same widow subsequently. Rogers when killed was about 30  ... (cont below)

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 19 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

years old -- left no children. He was about 6 feet, heavy formed, & much marked with small pox -- rather rough looking. Does not think Col. Linn was with him at his defeat & don't recollect of Rogers moving into the Wheeling region. Recollect the substance of that adventure.

[p. 33a] John Linn, the brother of my informant unusually active & swift on foot & very useful in woods, was born 20 February 1769 --- was spy around Wheeling with John Crawford and Crawford was out with him in the, fall of 1792, when Linn, Hedges and Biggs were killed -- probably on Will's creek as McDonald says. No recollection about Linn's being sick. Crawford said, that the Indians did creep in the stream, and shot into the camp, etc. My informant entirely discredits the story of their getting horses - never before heard it.

Just eleven days after this defeat (which probably occurred Oct. 19th 1792) a party reached the spot, from Wheeling, with Crawford to pilot, to bury the dead. No signs of the bodies being mangled - saved scalped; [Note in Mss.: See "Disinterments" in List Advr. Sept. 6, 18501 and Linn's was as limber and unstiffened as though he had just died - not so the others. Crawford lived & died on Muddy Creek, Green Co. PA about 1835.

Blue Lick - John Morgan, a distant connection of my informants father, was captured at the Blue Licks, & subsequently related the circumstances in the hearing of my informant. That after the defeat, when the retreat commenced, he fled to the ford, & there had great difficulty [p. 34] in crossing, so many were there & the Indians shooting at them, & some were killed around him in the water; at length he got over, & finding himself exhausted he threw himself behind a log - & seeing an Indian making toward him - he raised his hat partly above the log on a stick when his pursuer shot it through; then he got up & surrendered. Don't recollect how long he was detained, nor the particulars. A year or two after he visited the Monongahela region & was at the house of the father of my informant; & was not then married -- quite a young man then.

Among the killed was Wm. McCracken who resided on Glen's Creek, above Frankfort; My informant knew him, & is confident he was killed at the Blue Licks, & not the one who was killed on Clark's campaign of 1782. 

Herman Husbands settled on Turkey Foot fork of South Logans John Lindse also a regulator & [p. 34a] recollects before Whiskey War, seeing Husbands peddling something -- books, etc.______, ______ something of this kind. 

Bryans Station - When my informant was at Bryan's in 1789, he pointed out the tree from which an Indian was shot during the siege -- that when the Indian saw he was discovered, attempted to descend -- & in doing so, had to expose to the garrison side of the tree, in order to get limbs for a fasthold -- & thus was killed.

In the spring of 1786, Wm. and Andw. Linn, John Crawford, Peter and Wm. Johnson, went [by] canoe up Hocking about 40 miles, and made some tomahawk improvements on the western bank and intending to go up to [the] Falls of Hocking & make others; & on this evening of the 5th of May a party of 14 Indians, one of them a white man, commanded by Captain Wolf. It was then a time of peace, & the white man when questioned upon the subject, declared there was no danger whatever. The next morning early, the land locators were to make an early start up the river. The whites and Indians all [Note in Mss.: * in 1780 See newspaper ex- ... (cont below)

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 LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 20 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

tracts 1785, Small Size p. 181 [p. 35] camped together -- and next morning when all were up and the whites about starting --- with the guns of both parties standing stacked around a tree all night -- the Indians seized the guns, and others with their tomahawks -- one of the Indians sent his tomahawk at Peter Johnson and struck him on the back of the neck and partly stumbled him -- in which kneeling position the white renegade shot him and grazed through the skin along his back ran up the river a piece & swam the river. At the first foray, Wm. Linn jumped into the river at the camp and swam it amid a shower of bullets & as [he] merged on the opposite shore & was wading out, a ball entered his left arm at the elbow ranging down towards the hand, and shattered one of the bones -- he escaped.

*Note at bottom of page: in 1780 See newspaper extracts 1785, Small Size p. 19 

Crawford was taken prisoner; while Wm. Johnson & Andrew Linn ran down the river separately & swam the river -- Johnson not far below, & Linn [p. 35a] about a mile. Soon after sun up the two Johnsons & Andw. Linn had got together [and] traveled down that day to the mouth of Hocking, having bound up Peter Johnson's wounds; and [with the] sun an hour high at night4 reached the mouth of the river; and by dark Wm. Linn arrived -- dressed his wounds. That evening a flat boat landed there with families of the name of Flynn, and some single men, intending to have made a settlement at mouth of Hocking --- with the defeated men, they crossed the river and went a short distance down & landed at the mouth of See's Creek on the Va. side and there the Flynn party made a settlement.

The defeated men lost all their guns, boat, and baggage; and had it been light when attacked, the whites [would] have been all killed or taken. Both parties sat up all night.

It was then supposed that Ohio would be settled by improvements; but govt. soon after commenced selling; & those who made locations, amounted to nothing. A few months after Crawford got home [p. 36] he was at Sandusky and other towns. Wm. Linn's wound proved a very hard [one] & was 18 months in recovering -- he lived until 1844, Jan. 12 in his 81st year (and born 12 Oct. 1763). Crawford moved to Ky. not known whether living or not; and the Johnson brothers returned to Maryland near Hancock, and there lived, & died several years ago. This was not the John Crawford who was subsequently out with John Linn and others in '92.

About the next year, Captain Wolf with a party of ten others -- eleven in all -- went on a trip to Ky - secreted their boats up a gut near the mouth of Bracken & went off for the settlements. A boat coming up the river discovered the secreted canoes, & gave notice at Limestone - a party went down and waylaid the canoes, & some went across the Ohio to cut off the retreat -- & when the Indian returned, they were fired on, & Capt. Wolf & eight of his party were killed, & only two escaped. Kenton was of this party. This was told my informant by John Crawford as the latter learned them in Ky.

Note in Mss. at bottom of the page: (* See p. 469 Collins, Kentucky) 

[p. 36a] Cornelius Washburn Incident - After 1786, a white man & boy going up Bull Creek in a canoe on the Indian or northern side of the Ohio, not far from Bracken when they heard a singular pecking a little ahead of them on the shore close along which they were rowing. The man went a shore, left the canoe with the boy, & 

4. Editor's note: Apparently an hour before sun down.

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 THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 21 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

crept carefully up the high bank with his rifle in hand, & when he could peep over the bank, again the pecking commenced & he discovered that it proceeded from an Indian who had clambered up a birch tree something like a dozen feet & with his tomahawk was cutting or girdling the tree - evidently to peel off the bark with which to make himself a canoe. The white man glanced hastily around & seeing no other Indians in sight rested his gun over the top of the bank, took aim at a red tape across the Indians breast to which his knife was suspended & fired the Indian fell, & the white man darted down the bank, jumped into his canoe & made off at [p. 37] his best speed. Shortly after he visited the spot with others -- found the knife & red tape at the foot of the tree, & the tape cut in two -- followed a trail some little distance, & found the Indian's body buried with logs, chunks, etc. [Cornelius Washburn, L. C. D.]

The Tomlinsons - The old man, perhaps Thomas, may have been a spy for Braddock, settled at an early day 2 miles East of the Little Crossings 20 miles west of Cumberland at a place known as the Little Meadows. The old man had several sons, Benjn., Joseph, Nathaniel, & Jesse - the latter was living on the old place in 1841, aged 90 or more. The old man settled a place on Little Wheeling where his son in law Col. David Shepherd settled.

Dunbar's Camp - At the western base of Laurel Hill, Dunbar's men, about 4 or 5 ms. East of Uniontown.

The Great Meadows - What is now Mt. Washington where the brick tavern now stands; was where Ft. Necessity stood. Mr. Linn recollects seeing the remains of the Nicketing.
 

[p. 37a] Mclntosh's Campaign - Andw. Linn (the father of my informant) was Pack Horse General & had a brigade in service carrying supplies when the campaign was abandoned.

Simon Girt - A brother of his, Thos. Girty lived up the Allegheny from Pittsburg, near the mouth of French Creek - lived quite respectably.
 

Symmes Purchase - In the latter part of Feb. 1789, my informant Andw. Linn joined Judge Symmes & aided Col. Ludlow in surveying that spring. Judge Symmes built the first house at North Bend; & near the close of March, the lots where Cincinnati now is were run out by Col. Ludlow, Linn aiding -- then no house there, only Ludlow's camp. No name for the place then. Linn left in May.

Symmes intended laying out a town perhaps the town - on the Big Miami, a mile & abt a half west of the North Bend.

Maj. Stile - originally from New Jersey, probably at the the close of the Revolution, settled on Ten Mile Creek, now Greene Co. Pa. there lost his wife & went to N. J. to marry again, & then met with [p. 38] Symmes, & proposed the settlement of the Miami country. The went together & in the spring of '89 when Symmes had his camp at the North Bend, Stiles had his at the mouth of the Lit. Miami.

John Smit was smart preacher, raised on the Yough. in the neighborhood of Col. Crawford.

Col. David Rogers - Addenda - Robert Benham lived on the waters of Ten Mile Creek, now Greene Co. Pa. & in 1789, was residing at Maysville.

Thomas Chaffin, of Brownsville, escaped from the defeat without injury -- my informant knew him well. Basil Brown (Jr.) was so badly wounded in his right arm, that he had to learn to write with his left hand -- he was ever after a cripple. Brownsville was named after his uncle, Thos. Brown. 

W. B. These notes taken from Andw. Linn, Oct. 4th, 5th, 6th & 7th 1845. L. C. D,

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 22 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
 

Interview With Dr. William Johnson Lynn - S of Brownsville, Pa.

[PJB Editor's Note: Page numbers on the film run differently than those expressed in the Calendar Guides.]

 [p. 38a] Col. Wm. Linn (From Dr. William Johnson Lynn of Brownsville, Pa.) My informant had the following details from John Cullens, on a visit to his fathers, Col. Wm. Linn6 in ___[blank]___. Cullens made this visit to Col. Wm. Linn, expecting to have found in his person the individual (Col. Wm. Linn of Ky.) who conveyed him (Cullens) when wounded at the Grave Creek.
 

Cullens said, he was one of Foreman's men from East of the Mountains; that they camped at the Round Bottom about a mile below the mouth of Grave Creek. The object of the Scout not recollected. Linn cautioned Capt. Wm. Foreman against keeping below; but he said he was not afraid of Indians, but would go that way; and Linn said he knew better than he, Foreman, did, about Indian stratagems; he had discovered indications of an enemy being around. Linn's men mostly denied to stay with the majority, and Linn did not coerce them; but himself & perhaps about four others went up over the hill. Linn did have a captains [p. 39] command, but Foreman's party was much the largest. No recollection about the trinkets. As Foreman's party emerged from the narrows, where they had been in single file, they rather displayed to the right and left, presenting quite a front, and had advanced in the wide bottom above the Narrows end of the not over two hundred yards to where a cone breast high jutted from the retreating hill, and behind this cone the Indians were posted - and probably others on the left of the path along the river in the bushes. No enemy was discovered until suddenly attacked within a few paces of their ambuscade.

The work of death was the result of an instant. The survivors fled, some up the river & others down & yet others up the hill side - one of the latter, Cullens, when about two thirds of the way up the hill, was shot by an Indian below, and had his thigh broken, & just above lay a large log over [p. 39a] which he threw himself to avoid a second shot. At this juncture, Capt. Wm. Linn and the men with him made their appearance dashing down the hill, whooping and firing, nearly opposite the Indians, but somewhat below; upon which the Indians fled to their canoes at hand and put off over the river. Linn and his Lieutenant came upon Cullens -- Linn suggests that they convey Cullens away; the Lieutenant objects that they must first take care of themselves, as they did not know but the Indians would reappear. Cullens begged that they would not leave him; but carry him away from danger. Linn said he would take him away and asked the Lieutenant to aid him; and again he objected; then Linn declared warily to the Lieutenant if he went off without aiding [the] suffering fellow he would shoot him -- then the Lieut. reluctantly aided to carry Cullins up & over the hill to a second ridge, and 

5. Editor's note: The Great-grandnephew of Col. William Linn, according to the Beatties, authors of the chapters "Pioneer Linns of Kentucky" appearing in Genealogies of Kentucky Families, Baltimore: GPC, 1981.

6. Editor's note: This Col. William Linn was the grandnephew of THE Col. William Linn and father of Dr. Wm. Johnson Lynn. Andrew Jr.'s sons were: William who married Mary Crawford; Andrew III who m Nancy Johnson; John who was killed by the Indians; Ayers who m Charlotte McFerran; Isaac who m Jemima Ann (Van) Voorhees.

 

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Page 23 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

there concealed him in a fallen tree top. Now Linn gave him some hard biscuit [p. 40] which Cullens subsequently said it was with difficulty lie could eat from their hardness. Cullens had some misgivings that Linn might not return & he be left to perish; renewed his importunities for Linn to return which he faithfully promised to do & would be there by nine o'clock that night. Linn and his men now retreated for safety -- but Linn did not himself go to any settlement; when sufficiently distant from danger, alone remained & in the evening and a dark one -- he groped his way back & when he neared the spot Cullen heard him, but fearing he might be an enemy, persevered a deathless silence, until Linn came close by and in an undertone signed for him. Cullen was a young man about nineteen, weighing fully one hundred and seventy pounds & Linn took him upon his back and carried him over a very broken country to Shepperd's Fort on Little Wheeling -- a distance of eleven miles and even more by the zig-zag route that [p. 40a] Linn necessarily had to take. It was sometime the next forenoon that Linn with his charge reached Shepperds. He had taken Cullens there instead of to Wheeling, which would have been some miles nearer & over a level country, as he was apprehensive that Indians might still be lurking around, & if so would be likely to intercept the path to Wheeling.
 

Roizers Defeat - My informant Dr. Lynn, recollects hearing his father and mother speak of Col. Wm. Linn commanding the rear boat and escaping -- and that there was a woman and her daughter in one of the boats, probably Linn's. Likely Linn may have suspected treachery and hence kept back.
 

The Linn Defeat 1786 - On the morning of their intended departure, Capt. Wolf approached Wm. Linn, the largest seemed to think him the leader of the whites, and when in the act of shaking hands, Wolf attempted to seize or hold him fast when Linn threw him upon his face and darted towards [p. 41] the guns - and seeing some of the Indians had anticipated him in this, he jumped down the bank into the river –
 

Peter Johnson had the Indian hatchet thrown at him, lodged between his shoulder blades and thus ran off. When he came up to Wm. Johnson and Andw. Linn, he desired them to pull it out - which they did and hastily bound up his wounds, and pushed on -- reaching the mouth of the river [when the] sun [was] an hour high When Wm. Linn7came up, he was pale from the loss of blood -- when swimming the river, he repeatedly dove and as he would rise the Indians would Fire at him - but not sufficiently light to take aim; and as he neared the opposite shore, & could touch bottom, & was wading, was shot in the arm, etc.

[p. 41a] William's Campaign - Capt. Wm. Crawford (who died in Greene Co. PA near Carmichael town, 23rd Aug. 1826 about 82 years of age - he was on Brodhead's Choshodon campaign, probably) commanded a company and sided with those who used their influence to save the Indians.
 

Death of John Linn - Never heard about the object of the party being to get horses. Anticipating that Indians were on their trail at night went up the steam of water to avoid being tracked and camped -- perhaps it was only the Indians who thus waded in the stream. No recollection about Linn's being sick. He had a remarkable dream twice, that lie was shot directly through the heart & told it. When the Indian crept up & shot, Linn and John Crawford were lying under the same blanket & Linn was shot through the breast. From the fact that his body was found limber, it would seem that he was not shot dead, but died of mortification from the wound gangrene. His body was not mutilated, except being scalped, and some little disfigured by being eaten by animals.

 7. Editor's note: This William Linn is the son of Andrew Linn, Jr., as Col. William Linn was killed by the Indians in 1781, before this event took place, or there is some confusion as to the year this took place.

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 LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 24 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

Summary of Bland Ballard's Statement Concerning Col. William Linn

[p. 42] Shelbyville, Ky. Apr. 29th 1838

Hon. John Pope Sir,

Some days since my brother L. Levis received a communication from you and more recently one from Doctor Linn8 enclosing another to Major Ballard, relative to the military adventures and death of Colonel William Linn. Our court was in session when the letters were received and my brother being very much engaged - handed them to me and requested my attention to their inquires, Major Ballard had not been in town for sometime, and I supposed he was absent from home, as he frequently is, but this morning I went to see him and found him confined to his bed by severe indisposition. I read Doctor Linn's letters to him, when the old warrior brightened up at the recollection of the scenes of his early adventures and stated briefly, but in general terms what he knew of Colonel Linn. He will be up in a few days I hope, when I will make it an object of particular attention to see him and take down all the particulars he can furnish.
 

The sum of his statement to me this morning is this: he was born in 1760 and of course knows nothing of Linn's adventures during Braddock’s war nor does he recollect anything of Colonel Linn's going to New Or- leans in 1776 for ammunition nor whether he was the first who erected a fort at Louisville. He first saw and be- came acquainted with Colonel Linn in 1779 -who was then in charge of the prisoners taken by General Clark at Vincennes. In 1780 he belonged to the battalion commanded by Linn at the battle of Piqua or the Chilicothe towns Ballard was there badly wounded, and indeed it is from this wound he is now suffering. He says Linn most gallantly distinguished himself on that day. On the return of the expedition Ballard, in consequence of his wounds, was taken to Linn's station, about ten miles from Louisville where he remained until Linn's death.
 

The death occurred on the first Monday in March 1781. Note in margin: 5th March 1781, L.C.D. It seems a considerable party were going from the Station to attend Jefferson county court at Louisville. Linn had some business with some of the court whom he wished to see as early as possible and started alone.

He had not been long gone when the report of Several guns was heard at the station. A party immediately repaired to the place and found his horse shot down, but could not find nothing of Linn himself. The search was renewed the next day and the dead body found one mile from the station and near the place of residence of the late Colonel Anderson. No person was with Colonel Linn when he was killed. It win give me pleasure to continue the furtherance of Dr. Linn's worthy purpose, and you may assure him that my brother or myself will make him a special communication as soon as Major Ballard's health will allow him to attend to the matter. 

Respectfully, Yo. Abt. Sert., [sig:l Lloyd Levis

--------------------

8. Editor's note: Dr. Lewis F. Linn, son of Asahel Linn, who was the son of Col. William Linn.

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS 
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 44-49 Microfilm No. 30

 Page 25 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

Correspondence Between John B. Gibson and His Brother Gen. George Gibson

 [p. 44] [To:] General George Gibson

Carlisle, August 21st 1838

Dear Brother, The letter to fulfill your desire that I would State the information I have had of the late Colonel Linn's participation in the expedition to New Orleans during the revolutionary war, I called upon our brother Francis Gibson, in expectation of gaining something from the papers in his possessions but was told that every scrap on the subject had been given to you.

The principal part of what I know of Colonel Linn I learned from his nephew, William Linn, Esqr. a very respectable magistrate of Fayette county in this state. I shall probably see him in October and should I obtain from him a more succinct account of the little I have to relate, I will immediately impart it. At present I can only repeat what you have already heard; that in the summer of 1776, our father Capt. George Gibson, costumed in the guise of a trader, with a secret mission to procure a supply of gunpowder from the Spanish authorities at New Orleans, attended by Lieutenant Linn and a detachment of his company descended the river from Fort Pitt to that place through a succession of adventures, that in narrative more resemble a ?pranc? of history than the features of sober truth.

The shores of the Ohio river were lined with hostile Indians, and no white man before had before at- tempted the voyage. Captain Gibson having accomplished his mission and having [p. 45] been released secretly from a prison into which he had been thrown to remove the suspicion of the British residents, left Lieutenant Linn in command of the party. The powder for the Service on the seaboard was shipped for a Northern port by the agency of Oliver Pollock, Esqr. an American residing high in favor with Don Galves the Spanish Governor, and Lieut. Linn having fought his way back returned to Wheeling in the spring of 1777, with the barges containing the supply for the western campaign.

For this service, attended as it was with signal benefit, to our country, as well as extreme peril to those who performed it, Lieut. Linn as well as Capt. Gibson received promotion. Like the latter, he eventually attained the rank of Colonel and like him perished in the Indian warfare after the close of the revolutionary struggle. He was killed in Kentucky attempting to reach a secret new ?degroue? at a place still called No-Linn Hill a name it acquired from the exclamation of surprise by the party at not finding him at the spot. Note in margin, written sideways, over other writing: Thomas H. Benton; Henry Linn McArthur; Benton Roffing his Bull. [?????]

As Colonel Linn was known to be no laggard in enterprises of danger, his absence fined them with melancholy apprehensions of the event.

I rejoice to learn that a descendant of this brave and honorable soldier fills a high place in the councils of the nation. [referring to Lewis F. Linn]

It was the fortune of two officers employed on the expedition to New Orleans to be out of favor with the colonel of the time. Though the accomplishment of its object relieved the country from an alarming emergency, and though it was affected by great exposure, in action as well as cleverness in negotiation, it gained them...  (cont below)

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 26 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

...pain of writing, as I have since learned from his published correspondence, had become insupportable to him, my letter was not answered. I am glad however to find that, Doctor Linn [Lewis F. Linn] is attempting to perpetuate the remaining evidences of it, to which it would give me pleasure were it, in my, power more copiously to contribute.

That Lieut. Linn was with the company at the battle of Long Bridge near Norfolk, as well as the affair at Hampton, scarce admits of doubt. He marched with it from Fort Pitt where it was recruited, to Williamsburg in Virginia ________ before it was led to the first of its fields where it gave those early indications of its fighting propensities, which with A the turbulence in quarters, obtained for it, the sobriquet of "Gibson's Lambs" which I was told by President Monroe, it bore until the end of the war. It was composed of men habituated not only to the daring, but independence of a frontier life, who required all the personal influence of their officers to reconcile them to the restraints of discipline.

[p. 47] - In these circumstances it is altogether improbable that Lieut. Linn should at that time be employed on any other duty.

Your affectionate brother [sig:l John B. Gibson

[p. 48] [To:] Doctor Linn [Lewis F. Linn, U. S. Senator from Missouri]

Washington September 7th 1838

My dear Sir:

I have been absent with our sick friend Doctor Hunt, which will account for your letter remaining so long unanswered. On the receipt of your letter, I wrote to my brother, Banister Gibson, on the subject of the late Colonel Linn participating in the expedition made by Captain Gibson to New Orleans in 1776. A copy of my brother's reply and the only papers I can find among those sent me, relating to the subject, are herewith enclosed. I shall make a visit to my brother Francis Gibson in October and will then make a further examination of what may remain of my father's papers, and should I find any of interest, I shad not fail to send them to you. There is not a doubt of Lieut. Linn's participating in the battle of Long Bridge and the taking of the cutter Bigs at Hampton.

I will write you again soon, or at all events in October.

Ever and truly your friend [sig:l George Gibson

Doctor Linn
Not knowing that any references was expected to any documents respecting the negotiations [p. 49] of Colonel Gibson at New Orleans, I have no opportunity of examining any number of papers for the purpose; but among some vouchers which I have now before me for the purpose of assorting I find the following certificate. viz. I do hereby certify that nine thousand weight of the powder brought from New Orleans by Lieut. Linn was delivered to Colonel William Crawford for the use of the continent.
Signed David Shepperd Lieunt. Ohio
Philadelphia - January 24th 1791 Signed:
William Dorris

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, 62-70
Microfilm No. 30

 Page 27 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

Correspondence From John Lynn Crawford 

[p. 62] [To:] Lyman C. Draper, Esqr., Baltimore [From: John L. Crawford] 

Carmichael, April 8th 1846

Dear Sir

Yours of the 17th Jan last was duly reed. I feel that I should make some appology for not answering it sooner, I wished to see Mr. Andrew Lynn and Mr. Dickerson of Washington Co. Pa. the brother of one of the young that was along when John Lynn was killed, but owing to the sickness in my family I have not been able to go to see them, but will endeavor to go in a few days. The reason why I wished to see those, two old men is ". My brother Jennings Crawford lives near Mount Vernon in Ohio and near where John Lynn was killed. A lawyer in Vernon has been making a collection of narratives of Indian murders and adventures in the west with a view to have them published he (the lawyer) heard of the defeat of the party when Lynn was killed he pronounced the whole a fabrication although the bones of the young men lay within 20 miles of the place. After being assurred that the story was true, he sent for my brother to come and see him; he desired my brother to get a true statement of the matter and he would have it published and that to have the narative believed it was neccessary to know the object those men had in venturing so far into the indian country in that inclement season of the year. I wish to see those old men to get that information, I will give my recollection of the affairs as I have often heard my father relate it with other naratives if you desire them.
My father died in 1831 he was possesed of an unusual good memory and could recollect perhaps more of the incidents of the Indian warfare in this part [p. 63] of the country than any other man in it he was solicited to write down some of his recollection a few months before he died he commited to writing, he wrote a number of narratives of Indian murders that occured here while he was a boy also an account of the rising and putting down of the tories in this neighbourhood during the revolution and also an account of some lawless murders of Indians in this neighbourhood by the whites. He (father) was taken sudenly ifl and died in five days before he had writen anything of which he had personally taken a part though he was four years in the service, three years of which he was an Indian spy for Washington Co. Pa.
I had thought of sending you the narrative left by my Father but they are intersperced with some party views and sentiments that would perhaps be uninteresting. If the matters of fact would be thought worthy of publication, my brothers and my self do not wish them published (that is the views and sentiments).
If you wish to have the narratives left by my father I will send them to you with pleasure -- Mr. Gallatin lived a long time in this Congressional district and was the neighbour and friend of my father. I have no fear in your sending him the manuscript left by father for his confirmation.
You state in your letter that Grandfather served as a captain in Col. Shepherds regiment on Col. Brodhead's campaign. He also served in Gen. Himers campaign as a captain and was with Col. Hardin at his defeat on the St. Marys, if you know anything of this matter you will pies be so good as to inform me of it.

[p. 64] lf you are accquainted with any person that was out in Gen. Harmers campaign and more particularly at Hardins defeat, you will pleas to inform me of their address.
If any thing should occur that I cannot get to see Mr. Linn and Dickerson, I will write to you my own recolection of the affair wherein Linn was killed.
I fear that I have neglected answering your letter until it is to late; if so I regret it. If not, I will endeaver to give any information in my power in the shortest time in my power. 

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)

Page 28 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

You will pleas write as soon as your conveenance will permit. I am very respectftdly yours,

[sig:l John L. Crawford 

[p. 67] Carmichael, March 26,1827 Mr. Lyman C. Draper

Sir, In complyance with your request I send you the manuscript papers left by my father, John Craw- ford and also as you requested a notice of my Grandfather Col. Wm. Crawford and also of my father after. The date to which he had wrote it, My father was in the service on the frontier from 1790 to 1794 the three last years as an Indian spy and was personally acquainted with many of the leading men on the frontier of Pa and Va of that day and the Indian was on there borders he was possessed of a retentive memory and could relate many of the Indian murders and depredations which have not been published. For some years before his death he was often solicited to write and publish and account of the Indian murders in this part of the country, but he had a very limited education and had never wrote anything for the press and had taken no notes at the time and would have to write from memory. He hesitated long about it. In the summer of 1831 he commenced writing. On the 3rd of November of that year he was taken sudenly iH and died in four days and had only wrote his narative to 1777, and had not brought it down to the time he was personally engaged.
My Grandfather was in many of the campaigns that were sent into what is now the state of Ohio up to 1794 and was sometimes stationed with a company on the Ohio river, but I can not recollect them so as to pretend to give a narative of them. I recollect he was at Harmars defeat (or rather, Col. Hardins) he killed three Indians in personal combat on that day. Gen. McArthur was a private in his company. My father saw Gen. McArthur in Chilicothe shortly after the last was he enquired for grandfather and said he would walk 20 miles to see him for he first lerned him how to stand up and be shot at & grandfather also commanded a company in Col. Shepperds [p. 68] regiment in Col. Broadheads campaign. In returning from some of his cam- paigns he laid sick at the house of Col. Boone's in Ky. I have often heard him speak of the kind care that was taken of him by Col. Boone and his lady after peace was made with the Indians he remained on his farm untill he died on the 3rd of August 1826 he was a member of the Baptist church and the Rev. John Corbleys congregation he was six feet and one inch high of great strength and activity and capable of enduring great fatigue. 

Note in Mss.: See Brackenside's Incidents, p. 116 -- & Findley's Insurrection, p. 202; also Atwater's Ohio

My father John Crawford was born Sept 26th 1772 he received common school education such as was taught in the neighborhood he remained with his father until he was 18 years of age in the fail of 1779 Grandfather came to him where he was plowing in the field and told him he was called on to go against the Indians that he must let him (grandfather) plow and go and get ready for the company would march the next morning. When he went to the house he found his mother and sisters all in tears. The next morning he started and was in the service untill peace was made with the Indians. After Wayne defeated them in 1794 the three last years as an Indian spy and was often sent to discover the where abouts of the Indians. He was along with the party when John Lynn and others were killed. After peace was made he was employed to go among the Indians to recover prisoners, several of whom he brought home. He did considerable of business as a land surveyor and was appointed by the Governor to do several pieces of publick surveying. He was often called on by his neighbours as an arbitrator and acted as Justice of the peace for nine years before his death which was on the 8th of Nov. 1831.

My recollection of the affair when John Lynn was killed was that it had been reported that the Indians had in the fall of 179- [blank] left their town on the Sandusky and gone to [p. 69] winter on the Wabash and eight young men were sent to ascertain the truth of the report. They were to the best of my recollection John Wetzell, John Lynn, Biggs, Solomon Hedge. _[blank]_ Dickerson. Two McCulloughs and John Crawford. Lynn and Biggs were killed and one other I think one of the McCulloughs. They had proceeded to the San- dusky planes and found that the Indians were still there and were returning. On the day before they were at- tacked, they discovered an Indian dog following them. They were then certain they had been discovered by the ...(cont below)

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Page 29 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor. 

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)

Indians. It was thought best by some of the men that they should make a hard march and cross the Muskingum river that night, but this was opposed by Wetzell and as he was the oldest woodsman among them, they en- camped

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS

Page 30 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor. 

forts, etc. -- when the opposing speaker, an Irishman, who had plead the cause of the hungry soldiers, ex- claimed, "Faith, we'll not kill it." but the soldiers said they would have it over again, & and reverse the speakers. When Crawford plead the hungry soldiers cause, when the Irishman then said "Faith we will it." Col. C. was through not well educated, very happy at speaking.

Rather thinks he was on the Expedition up the lfls. to Peoria Towns & was probably on return, sick at Col. Boones; & when he got home, found a child 5 months old he never saw before, born during his absence.

Was out with Brodhead in 1781 - & used his influence to prevent the Indian captives from being killed. This probably gave rise to his being with Williamson against the Moravians -- which he was not.

In his obituary it was truly said, "he was always first on the trail & the last to leave it." 

John Linn's death. Col. Crawford dreamed that they were attacked by Indns & Linn was shot, & he saw the bullet hole in his heart; & [p. 72] heard Linn & told him the dream & alluded to his previous urging the party not to camp there, but pushed on --- & ought to decamp. Linn said "Shall go to sleep." Again [he] dreamed the same thing, but did not again awaken Linn. When he subsequently returned as the field _____ of the party to being then dead, he saw poor Linn precisely as he saw him in his dream --- Crawford was the reverse of superstitious, & ridiculed everything of the kind. Crawford & some [others] picked Linns body up; the wound in the breast --- & only one wound. Horses was not the object of the party & had none Wm. Crawford says, a Quaker named Ephm. Crawford of Fayette, a Tory said they were going horse stealing, & the result "was good enough for them." This Tory version must have reached Col. McDonald whence he erroneously gave it so.

Laughereis Defeat - Capt. Thos. Stokely & John Crawford (not related to Col. Wm. Crawford) were captives -- represented that Girty interfered in their behalf & befriended them. Crawford settled in Ky. & has been dead about 7 years. (Brant instead of Girty was probably referred to. L.C.D.)

Wm. Spice - His sister Betsey was liberated by the stipulations of Dunmore's Treaty. William remained until the year after Wayne's Treaty, when he had an Indian family. His friends in Green Co. got John Crawford (son of Col. Wm. C.) to go & bring him in, had some difficulty in prevailing upon him to come --- then a trader had many horses - made many excuses among them that the [p. 731 would ride his horses to death. Finally, however, came, accompanied with an Indian; but the Crawfords & some others who had lost relatives, in the Indian Wars, threatened Spicer & his companion & they returned to the Wyandottes. Betsey married a man named Bowen, & has been not long deceased. After Wm. S. returned & settled he got a cow, but the Indns killed it, not wishing him to adopt any of the customs of the whites; He submitted to it, & did not get another. --- Rather think [it] was in Huron Co. Ohio, he lived. 

John Corbly Myers, (grandson of Rev. John Corbly) of Huron Co. (Norwalk) can doubtless tell of Spicer.*
Wetzel
kills Killbuck - old John Wetzel asked Capt. Wm. Crawford, just after the death of the chief, if he was going to the burying? Whose burying? inquired Capt. C. for the murder was committed in the night, & this accounting was early in the morning. "By the Lord, Killbuck is dead!" said the honest Dutchman.

*Note at bottom of page: See Notebook, No. 5 small size 1845 p. 29-31 - there called Wm. Spicer. Howe's _____, p. 459, mentions Spicer as a chief - : See, also, Indian Treaties in "Indian Treaties"; it was provided in Sept. 1817, that a Section of land sta. be reserved to Wm. Spicer, who was taken prisoner by the Indians & had ever since resided among them, & had married a Seneca woman; on East bank of Sandusky river.

Another treaty, in Sept. 1818, Wm. Spicer's Section was referred to in such a way as to indicate that he was still living. At the treaty of the Senecas of Sandusky, in 1831, one of the Senecas was Small Cloud Spicer.

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Page 31

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
 Volume 37, Series J, Pages 76-77 Microfilm No. 30
 

Letter From Andrew Linn, to Lewis F. Linn  
A Biographical Sketch of Col. William Linn 

[p. 76] My dear Sir -- I received your kind letter dated Petersburg 1837, which was received with great satisfaction, to know that I had so near a relation yet in existence, on my father's side, and have a great desire to see you face to face. There is nothing more pleasing to me than to enjoy the presense of my relations and more especially those I have never had the pleasure to see. In your address to me you wish to get some information respecting Uncle William Linn, your grandfather. His father was born in Ireland and came to America in 1701, with his father and settled there on Long Island, continued there until married, then moved to New Jersey, had four sons and two daughters, there lost his wife and emigrated to the state of Maryland. Colonel Linn was a spy in Braddock's army, and reconnoitered fort Duquesne previous to the defeat of the British army. Settled on the Monongahela, near where Cookstown now stands and went a campaign against the Indians under Col. McDaniel, and was there wounded on the shoulder. He was then commissioned by the State of Virginia and went to Richmond, continued there a short time and then was sent to New Orleans with Col. Gibson by the authority of the above State. When there Col. Gibson having detained as a hostage, Col. Linn had to take command of the boat and cargo and returned in the spring of '77. He went a campaign with Gen. Clark to the Illinois while under the Spanish Government, but perhaps you have a better knowledge of that campaign than I am able to state.

My dear friend, I must press you to call and see me on your return to your place of residence in the spring. On your receipt of this letter, please write. Direct your letter [p. 77] to look shown.

Your friend and relation, January 30: 1838 Andrew Linn

Memo by L.C.D. - Wod. seem that, very likely, the very powder that Linn brought from N. O. was used by G. R. Clark - effecting the conquest of Ills. ---- order in council, etc. Jan. '78.
Note written on the back of the above letter: Dear Sir: I send these scanty materials in relation to the acts of my grandfather, but upon my return, I will fill them up. In the mean time you can use these as they are.
Yours truly,

L. F. Linn

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 105-111 Microfilm No. 30

 Page 32 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor

[p. 105]
From: John Chisholm,1
Florence, Ala., Sept. 16,1847
To: Mr. John Barbee
Re:
Capt. Benj. Linn 

Dear Sir: I rec’d a letter from Amos Kirkpatrick under date August 31, 46, in which was inclosed a letter under date August 17th, signed John Barbee, who I am informed by Kirkpatricks letter is a son of Genl. Elias Barbee of Green County Kentucky one of my best friends in my Boyhood. In you letter I find there is a Mr. Lyman C. Draper of Baltimore is engaged in Writing a work, the History of the Western Pioneers, in which he wishes to get the necessary information to enable him to do Justice to Capt. Benjamin Lynn, In Answer to your Interogetories, so far as I am able I will from Recollection of myself and wife, Capt. Lynn made but few memorandoms, he having no education Learned to Read after he Married, which took place in the year 1779 at Harrods Station now Harrodsburgh, Kty.
Capt. Benjamin Lynn was born in Chester County Pensylvania of Irish Parents he being the 4th son of Andrew Lynn, who moved in the Early settling of what was then calld the Redstone Country on the Monongahala River near the Redstone Old Fort, whear Capt. B. Lynn was Raised to manhood. About that time Indian Traders of Shawna & Delaware Indians visited Fort Pit, Capt. B. Lynn met with them at that place and being Raised to Hunting and Very fine Marksman was decoyed off by the Traders and Indians and Remained with the Shawna & Delaware, Maumee and Kickapoo Indians four years. While with them he became well aquainted with all the French Settlement as well as the Country on the East and West of the Mississippi River as low down as Natcheas wheare at that time was a French Settlement with all the Rivers Runing in the Same as far up as 30 miles as the Indians at some _______ used those streams as Hunting and Traping [p. 106] for Bearrs. B. Lynn's Residence with the Indians gave him a fair opportunity of Speaking the Language of four Tribes the Shawna, Delaware, Maumee & Kickapoo. Capt. Lynn, as soon as he heard from the Traders, from fort Pitt, now Pitsburgh, that the Pensylvania and Virginia Troops were about to drive the French from the Ohio and Mississippi River's he Return to his Fathers on the Monongehala River wheare Geni. Clark, when organising his troops at Fort Pitt was informed that B. Lynn who had Returned from the Residence of the Shawna & Delaware Indian Towns. This, brings me to your first Interogeraty. 1st Was Capt. Benjamin Lynn employed as a Spy, for Genl. George R. Clark. Ist Answer he was employed by Genl. Clark as a Spy and Continued with him until the army arrived at the Falls of the Ohio. The troops mostly was Conveyed by water; at this Place Capt. Benjamin Lynn Recd the appointment of Captain and was Placed under his Command 17 men and was ordered to Harrods Station now Harrodsburgh, his duty bring Pointer out by Geni. Clark (as Follows to wit) B. Lynn was to be at the Station, his men until his Return, out of the Seventeen men he Chose Samuel More to accomony him leaving 16 men to assist in Garding the Station until his Return. Capt. Lynn, with his companion S. More set out for a French Settlement Call'd Pancore on the Bank of the Mississippi River on the Western side near wheare St. Louis now stands, for the purpose of assertaining its strength and other particulars. Capt. Lynn knowing the Course Traveled as he informed me until he came to the Beach fork of Salt 

1. John Chisholm was the son-in-law of Benjamin Linn, having married Benjamin's daughter Esther in Green County, Kentucky. Marriage Bond dated 27 Sep 1798. Bondsmen: John Chism [sic] and Marshall Spain. Married 27 Sep 1798 by Benjamin Linn. [Actual record uses the spelling of Lynn.]

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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.) 

Page 33 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor. 

River Crossing, the Same near the mouth of the Rooting Fork Through the Country Afterwards called No-Lynn from this To the Mouth of the Wabash River after Crossing Green and other small Rivers came to Ohio below the mouth of the Wabash River, the Indians Ware Hunting on the Kentucky side, made it dangerous to Cross at the place [p. 107] he had intended to; he Continued down the River until he came to a cannau [canoe] tied. Lynn and More took the Craft and decended the River until they came to safe Place to hide their Craft for Fur- ther use, they Set out N. Western Direction Crossing the Kaskaskia River up the same until they came to the landing opposite the Village they ware taken over the River as Hunters who were Hunting in Forks of the Rivers Ohio & Miss. and their Powder and Lead had given out, and had come to buy a Supply and sell some beaver skins. At Pancore Capt. Lynn met with a white man belonging to the Traders amongst the Shawna In- dians and had been a great friend and associate of Lynn during his stay with the Indians, he saw Lynn as soon as he crossed the River attend on the Bank to buy the Hunting Beaver Fur he Privatly made known to Lynn he would see him that night and directed him where to camp, saying I will furnish you with what you want, as must not be seen with you; after an examination of the Vilage they camped where they ware directed late in the night Lynn's friend came to him and informed him the Indians had left Town for their Camp 2 miles up the River where there was a Large Trading Party of his old friends Shawnas & Delawares, a Counsell will be held in the morning on yourself & friend Calld the Hunters I will be there and so soon as the Council Breaks up I will see you, his friend Came to his camp about 9 O'clock and informed him that the white people the French would go to Church the Indians will not be in Town until evening as the shops are all shut until late this evening, I will says his friend send you over the very shortly and you must not stop for anything until you cross the Ohio River. If they find you are now gone they will send a Runing Party of Indians after you. Capt. B. Lynn informed that S. More & himself Run on all Runing ground the night Throughout, they having Selected the full moon to go to the Vilage [p. 108] Knowing that they would have to use the night in making their escape. They Traveled the next day and the next night with all the speed Possible and the 2nd day late in the evening Capt. Lynn shot a small deer while Moore, was kindling fire. Lynn skinned out Part of the Deer and they Rosted the meat and Eat a Part and left their fire and after leaving their fire he Supposed half a mile he heard the Firing or Report of 3 guns or More, Capt. Linn, knew the Indian Carrichs [characteristics] so well that he said to Moore, we are safe the pursuing Party of Indians will Follow no Farther. Capt. Lynn knew where to find the Craft they left on their Travel out, on the 3 day they came to their cannau [canoe] and Crossed the Ohio River and found in their Travel they ware below the mouth of the Cumberland River and saw much Fresh Signs of Indians Hunting on the River. Capt. Lynn, decided it would most safe to River and take the dividing Ridge Country between Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers until they came up to the Old Buffelow Rode leading to the French lick, the Place where Nashville Tennesse now is there they crossed the Cumberland River and struck their course for the Falls of the Ohio, where they arrived in Safety gave Gen. Clark the information that he had so ardently desired which afforded him great Facilteties in Prosecuting the war with the French and Indians. Capt. Lynn was sent to Harrods Station to Resume the Command of his company which he had left there when he set out for th French fort, where himself and Saml. Moore arrived Safely and Good health.
2 Int'g. Answer he was at Harrods Station, and Lynn and Capt. Hugh McGary; used all the means in their Power to defend the Fort and did Succeed in so doing. The Indians failing in every attempt they made, they Camped one day after they saw they could not take the fort & I was informed by Col. Hugh McGarry in 1794 at Harrodsburgh, that Capt. Ben. Lynn Went from the fort during the day & Took a Circulating Rout got near to their Camp, [p. 109] Killed one of their warriors and Returned to the fortress Safely, after being Pursued by the Indians. Near the fort on the Next day they left the Country and their Trac was followed to the Ohio River.
3 Int'g. Answer Sometime in the latter Part of the Summer 1777 the Indians as well as I Recollect, to Hear Capt. Lynn say was Frequently Seen by the Spyes, that was engaged _________ in such of Indian Sign or Trails; the information you Require Was Lynn engaged in the Routing of the Indians, Secluded in a Turnip Patch, near the Fort. Answer I have no Recollection of hearing him say that; the Particular Turnip Patch Party of Indians was routed when he was Present, Capt. Lynn was Present at the Corn field you speak of the Party of Indians had been secreted in a small hemp Patch in one Corner of the field, Sown by the Station People to make

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Page 34 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor. 

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 105-111
Microfilm No. 30

seed and to that place was troed by the Spies information being given, and all the men that could be spared from the Station Attached the Indians, in their Hiding place. The number of Indian & white nearly the same, there was seven of Indians killed and if I Recollect 3 of the whites.
4 Int'g. was Lynn out with Genl. Clark in any of his Campaigns or did he act Capt. in any Company in the Army under Clark; Answer, as well as I Recollect, Genl. Clark Sent Capt. Lynn, from the falls of Ohio, as a Capt. of the men he sent day 17 men which was satisfactoryly answered in the first interogotory.

5th Int'g. Wheare did Capt. B. Lynn die, Answer he died on the 23 day of December 1814 at the house of John Chisholm who Married his second daughter in the County of Madison North Alabama near Huntsville in his 65th [Editor's note: should be 75th year and is buried in the Burrying ground of a Christian church constituted by him in that then New Country.
6th Int. Answer Capt. B. Lynn, had a Brother Col. William Lynn lived on Beargrass near the Falls of Ohio, and was killed by the Indians going to the first court held in Kentucky at the Falls of Ohio.

[p. 110] 7th Int'g. You requse me to State If I have any information If Capt. Lynn, had anything to do in Naming no Lynn Creek. Answer, I heard Capt. B. Lynn say as he suppos'd was the Original Cause of the name there was 10 men and himself Hunting in the Barrons exploring that Portion of County, and had concluded to spend a few days at that camp, and they ware to meet every night at the camp. Capt. Lynn on the first days Hunt early in the day came on a Fresh Trail of Indians Followed them that day throughout wishing to see where they were bound, Continued on the Trail so Far he could not Reach the Camp the Second night when the Com- pany would Reach the Camp at night one by one came singly they would say no-Lynn, yet that was the Talk un- til Lynn came and they cau'd there Camp No Lynn and the Creek Continues its old name, now Sir you will Please Receive this information that I have given from Recollection of the Various Conversations I have had with Capt. Lynn, before his death, under consideration with my wife, the 2[nd] daughter of Capt. Lynn, we have sent you a Rough Sketch, hoping you will Transcribe the substance and leave out the errors and intestiniator and send that Portion to the Compiler that you may think Proper, when your letter came to hand I was in the act of Starting to the State of Miss. and have been Hurried drawing of the Answers, to your interrogeteries you I Hope will in turn the Blunders and Imperfections & I feel under great obligation to you for the interest you have taken to do Justice to the services of one of the Best men of his day & Time.

Yours Respectfully, John
Chisholm

[p. 111]
Florence, Ala. March 10, 1848

Dear Sir:
Your letter of the date Jany 30 1848was received here a few days ago, but my Father, to whom it was directed, it is my misfortune to write, had followed those Western Pioneers whose histories you seem endeavoring to trace, to that long resting place of mortality --- the Grave.
My Father died last Summer, and the facts he possessed concerning the trying times of Kentucky’s first settlement have mostly passed to the grave with him – but my mother who is the daughter of Capt. Lynn & Hannah Sovereigns, as you were perhaps informed in the Letter you have, is still living, though not able to recollect, many of the incidents or circumstances of those Indian wars in which her Father bore a part.

1 & 2 Your inquiries concerning the 2 traders and Genl. Clarks Campaigns my mother is not able to answer, only that the traders were Frenchmen.

3 The name of the hunters that were with Lynn at the time that no:linn took its rise she does not recollect, save her uncle John Sovereigns.

4 Capt. Lynn first settled near Bardstown, and about ten years afterwards removed to Green River, which was in 1790 or thereabouts, so my mother thinks Green River the particular locality, she does not remember.

5 Capt. Lynn took no part in the Creek war --

6 Lynn must have commenced Preaching at a very early day --- somewhere about 1788 or 1789 as my mother says he was a preacher when she was a small girl.

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Page 35 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

 THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.) 

7 Benj. Lynn & his wife Hannah (formerly Hannah Sovereigns) Both died in the year 1814 -- Hannah in May -- Benj. in December.
 

[p. 111a] At the time of their death they lived in Madison County Ala. to which place they moved in 1810. The Captivity of the Sovereigns family occured when Hannah Sovereigns was about 10 years old, herself & three other children & her mother were taken prisoners and kept by the Indians 6 years, at the end of which time Hannah Sovereigns & her mother were given up -- one of the other children had died in the time of captivity & the other one had been killed --- as no record was kept of H. S. age I am not able to ascertain when they were taken prisoners --- My Mother thinks it happened in Pennsylvania.
My Mother is not able to give any particulars of John Sovereigns she don't recollect of seeing any of her uncles after growing up to womanhood, and but seldom heard from them --- as Education was almost entirely unknown to those hardy adventurers, correspondence between different branches of a family, must of course been extremely rare and when a separation of members of a family once took place, but little those after was known of each other --- My mother thinks that John Sovereigns left a family, but where and when he died she don't know --- She knows nothing of "Harmon Consola."
Capt. Lynn
was a slender, dark-skinned man, with blue eyes his height was about 5 feet 10 inches. Can't give you any information about Logston or his wife.

Your inquires about Genl. Doherty and Maj. Chisholm I can't give you any satisfactory particulars of either.
I have thus Sir: with the assistance of my mother, endeavored to give some sort of an answer to each of queries, though meare and unsatisfactory they must prove to you had your letter been penned and received in the lifetime of my Father you doubtless would have elicited some information, that would have assisted you in arriving at conclusions and connecting events pertaining to those early and stirring periods of Indian warfare when the magnificent State of Kentucky was fought for -- bled for --- and conquised. My mother though born and reared upon the "dark & bloody ground still having a memory by no means tenacious, may of the incidents and scenes of her early life are gone forever.

If any thing above will, in the remotest degree, subserve any purpose you may have in view, I shall not have written in vain.
I am Sir
Very Respectfuly your most obedient Servant
T. L. Chisholm [Toliver L. Chisholm] 

THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Page 240
Microfilm No. 30
 

The Will of (Colonel) William Linn

Recorded Jefferson County, Kentucky, Book B pages 74, 75; Book 1, page 74.

In the name of god amen I William Linn of Kentucky County of Virginia being in perfect health, praised be god do make this my last will and testament as followeth Imprimis: I give to my youngest Daughter Ann Linn the dwelling plantation I now live on and a negro wench old Margaret and the profits arising from it to her mother Littia to the support of her as long as she lives singel as I leave her the moveables about the house.

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Page 36

I give and bequeath to my eldest son William Linn one thousand acres land lieing below the mouth of the Miami to have his choise of my land lying there about, to whom I leave a negro man Tom and a molatto boy Jack and Tom to be free after fourteen years from my death.
I give and bequeath to my son Asael Linn three hundred and thirty acres of land and the third part of the blew Lick to him and his heirs for ever and a negro boy Moses and to my son Benjamin Linn one thousand acres of land adjoining his brother Wm. and a molatto boy Battess to him and his heirs forever and to my two Daughters Theadotia Linn and Luramia [blob of ink over her name] Linn one thousand acres of land joining my two sons If they return from the indians, and if they dont return for the Said land to be equally divide between my three sons William, Asael and Benjamin and to my Daughter Rachel Linn two hundred acres of land lying on Harrod Creek ajoining Taylors survey to her and her heirs forever and a negro wench cald
fillis ---

I give to two children John and Josey Linn that has been born since I left home five shillings a peace -- Item, I give to my four friends, to wit, Turner Kirby James Eareekson Samuel Kirby and Benjamin Eareekson for twelve hundred and fifty acres of land lying below the miama near my sons Wm. and Benjamin to be divided between them provided they pay the Surveying of my legelized lands of my sons and Daughters and the other publick expenses that is to be paid and my just debts and unto my two friends James Kirby and James Eareekson for Whom I make sole Executor of this my last will and Testament and the care of my two sons Wm. and Asael for trustees and care of there education In witness hereby I have hereunto set my hand and Sealed the eighteen day of july in the year of our Lord 1780.

Test
Charles Polke
Sanford Edwards

Thomas McCarty
"                                         
his
                                                      [sig:l William    Linn (seal)
                                                                          
mark

The Court held for Jefferson County, April 3d 1781 This last will and Testament of William Linn decd was proved by the Oath of Thomas McC & ordered to be certified and at August 2d 1790 being proved fully by the Oath of Charles Polke was ordered to be Recorded

Teste Stepn Ormsby Clk

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Page 37 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS
Volume 11, Series CC, Pages 1-4
Microfllm Reel No. 76

 Interview of Isaac and William Clinkenbeard
Conducted by Rev. John D. Shane

Preface: This transcription includes notations that appear on the side of the page. Some of these notes are in parentheses ( ) and some in double parentheses (( )). It appears the single ( ) are for those comments made by Wm. Clinkenbeard during an interview with him, and placed in the margin at that time. The double (( )) appear to be for those comments Rev. Shane has made to clarify and they are sometimes within the text, sometimes in the margin.

There were many underscores in the document, perhaps placed there later as a means of highlighting the main points, as there were also notes in the margin in a different hand writing in referring to the underscores. The editor has eliminated these underscores to simplify the reading. Words in italic print are the ones the editor had a problem with deciphering.

Rev. Shane had his own "shorthand" and way of abbreviating things which are then followed by a colon. The reader will have to use a little imagination with these abbreviations. Although some of the sentences do not seem to make sense, that is the way they are written.

The abbreviation of "thkd" probably meant "thunked" or perhaps "tomahawked."

Every effort has been made to transcribe as it was written, including grammar, punctuation, capitalization, or lack thereof.

One word of caution: Those with weak stomachs should proceed no further!

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Page 38 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.

LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS

Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76

No. 1,  I. Clinkenbeard

BOURBON

p. 1 Isaac Clinkenbeard. 2 ms S. or S. By W., from N. Middletown, on (he n: bank of Stoner 1/2 m. below the Mouth of Dannoldson. 2 ms: straight, fr: his house to Coneords (now Simmons) Mill; but 11 ms: by the windings of the Cr: - Knows nothing of dates or nos: Feels piqued at being asked a question. Pleasantly tells a thing, but you get it all, as it were, by absolute accident. If it does not flow spontaneously, you cannot get it, either by inquiry, suggestion, or any introduction of the subject. Nor can you get him to repeat.

Isaac Clinkenbeard - Bom Nov; 20-1758. John C: July 9, 1755; the day Braddock was defeated. Wm: C., Born, Oct. 10- 1761. There was a fort at the mouth of Little Connolloway - an the Potomac, 40ms below old town, where the N. & South Branch came together; after which the r. took the name Potomac. The indns: were troublesome on both little & Big Connoloway. My Uncle Isaac Linn, was taken prisoner fr: mouth of L. C. & kept 11 yrs. My Uncle, John Linn, was killed there. My Uncle, Thos. Linn, also was scalped & thkd & left laying in the sand all night. Next morning was found. Drs. bored his head full of gimblet holes to get the blood out. Was made blind by being scalped. Many a. m. I've led him. Had fits too, sometimes. Died awhile after I came to Ky: At the time of this attack, my mother had just had a child. The necessity of flight caused an excitement, whh: ultimately, this ((perhaps)) not for several years, in her death. "Caught cold, & never got over it till she died." Old Mr. Blistoe's wife used to live in a Fort that was at Winchester, Va. Both he & she are dead. Bill Linn killed at Salt works, down towrds: Louisville, and Nathan his bro;, not far from Harrodsbgh; were cousins, of these Linns.
I went in Hand's campaign; hired as a substitute. 1777. The expedition started to go to the indn: towns, but didn't go farther than Wheeling. Too late in the season, for one thing. A coy: went fr: Berkley Co: - & formed a part of this Expedition. We went on fr: Ft. Pitt, to W. A co: - was to be left at Beech Bottom, 12 ms. above Wheeling. The rest were listed only for the campn. A co: of us hired to stay at the Beech bottom all winter. Staid 6 mos: Never was an indn: come to the B--- b--- while we were there; but there were before & after. This was the I st time I crossed the Alleghany Mns:, and as I came out, I saw the broken fragments of the wagons on the battle ground of Braddock's defeat, on the Alleghany Mns:, in Pa: I went in Hand's and there aftwds: in McIntosh's campaigns, before I came to Ky. All 3 of us bros: were in Mcintosh's C: Came fr: Berkley Co: Va., fall 1779. We came out without caring avt. being guarded. ((this the wilderness)) Col: van Swearingen, Wm. Bennet, Joshua Bennet, Jus: Taylor & Patrick Dannaldson & family & we 2 bros: (My oldest bro:, John was in Tenn: this Wm's statement.) Pressly Anderson & his w., used to pass us every day on the road. (Both of them out here on Slate.) It was strung fr: Cumberland Mn: to Boonsbrough. 0000s: of people came out that fall. More than did for 7 or 8 yrs: after that.

We came by the Hazle Patch. I never was at the crab orchard. At the H. P. a little before we came to Rock Castle river; & it was at the H. Patch that the road forked; the I leading to the crab-orchard, the other to Bonnesborough. Nothing, after leaving the H. P., to met with till we got to Boonesborough - except that we passed to the Knob? Lick, some 10? or 15? ms: before we got to B. Was but a day or 2 at Boonsbgh, before we went out hunting. In short time, went over to Strode's. A great many at B. John Strode had a pre-emption at his S. Was a little before us, out. (Strode's 10 ms) S. 10 ms fr: Bnsb: 2 cabins, partly tip, when I got there. Strode had I of them; Capt. Constant, another & I most think Couchman had 1. It was late in the fall, & Strode had not been (here a great while, when I went. Strode promised us the land that we cleared, for 9 yrs: I cleared 3 ,,, (cont below)

1. This is spelled Tonoloway on present day maps.

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acres, didn't want the use of it (one yr:) an rented it for that yr: All woods, thro' this cane, just as thick as any is here else. The cane was just an undergrowth. From here to Strode's S., [ed. note: "S." refers to the word "Station" which was used to signify a place or fort.] 10 or 12 ms; wasn't V2 m. clear of timber. At cane ridge the timber was of the thickest kind, & the cane very heavy. Yet in my clearing of the 3 acres, at S's S., I grubbed us acre a day. My bro Wm; cleared 3 acres too. Old Robt. Taylor, my bro: Wm & myself, are alb now living, that I know of, that were at Strode's S. then. R. T. was living below the Forks of Licking, was here 10 or 15 yrs ago. Came to be a justice, & then Sheriff of the co: ((co'dn't tell the co:)) The next summer, [1780) we stockaded in at Strode's. Indns: never troubled us that lst summer. Took Martin's & Riddle's Stations that summer, 1780. Martins' where Gov: Garrets farm was.

Riddle's where Stoner & Hinkston meet. They & Lexington & Bryant's S:, had been settled before we came out - Lex:, I think, 2 yrs:, McCue's S., Boone's S., [at the Cross plains,) Grant's S. & c were settled the same fall w. Strode's. I Mar 1780. The indns: killed Pun [Peen?]: Rollins, & Col: Calloway, at Bnsbgh:, not far fr: the S. They were making a boat. In 1780, was the Clarke's expedition agt. Old Chillicothe, on the Little, Miami & Pick- away, on the big Miami. In that expedition, they killed 15 of our men, & we took 16 of their scalps.
 

No. 1. I. Clinkenbeard

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

[p. 2] On the lst of Mar. 1781, the indns: came to Strode's., killed Patrick Dannallson & Jacob Spohr, wounded John Judy, and took off a negro woman. Jacob Spohr had gone out in the morning to drive away the cows. (something was sd. about a garden, near the S., and as if the cows had gotten into it, but I co'dn't get it.) Polly Dannallson & Spohr's dau;, little girls, had followed on out. The indns: chased the little girls to within 20 steps of the fort, & wo'd have gotten them, but the dogs broke out on them. Patrick Dannellson, went to look over a little gate, to see to shoot (between 2 houses) & another gun fired, & took him in the forehead. Were but the 2 guns fired. The bullit knocked (didn't go in, out) the bones in. He didn't die till night; The brains seeped out in the day & Bennet & I were cooking our bkft. at the time. The negro woman, & Judy, were both on the outside at the time; but don't know where, or what for. The negro woman belonged to a Mr. Moore, who had gone in to the settlement in the spring, 1780, & had ledt her w. Thos: Kennedy. ((Mr. C. recollects nothing connected w. Cartwright)) ((I ought to h. sd. Crosswight.))

There was nobody at the L. B. L. (L. Blue L. Bat) battle fr. Strode's S. Were but few of us there, & we had to stay & take care of the women. At Holder's defeat, (Aug. 1782) John Douglass, Geo. Johnson, & one Clement were killed, & Capt. Fleming & Jim: Harper wounded. J. H. lived several weeks, & then died. From Strode's to McCue's S. was abt. 6 or 7 ms:. All the killed or wounded in this battle were fr: those 2 stations. Indns: had taken Hoy's son. I was down at B's S. when the news came, & when I got back they were gone. (I got my gun stocked by a man that lived on the hill above Russel's cave, but had big shop in it (the cave), but whether it was at this time or not, I don't now know.) When the pursuers came to the place, & found the indns: were there, the forces were divided, & Holder led on one, the one way, & Constant, the other down a difft. way. H & his party happened to get a sight of the indns: & found they were so many, & they run. Don't believe any of Holder's men were killed. Constant & his party clapped to & fought. Joe & Richd: Proctor were in that battle. Joe Proctor, if living, on Muddy Cr:, in Madison Co:

Constant
had a station abt. 1/2 m. or little better, fr: Strode's S. Sconce's (Constant's) S. was way down by Muhlenburgh or a little this side. Constant was one day at his S., out in the field plowing, Joshua Stamper was also out, in an adjoining field. Only a lane running between them. 2 little children of Parvins were out at the mouth

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of lane. (P. was the 1st printer that ever was in Ky. B'd (Bradford) tried it, & co'dn't make any thing of it, & sent for P. Indeed P. co'dn't do anything with it for awhile, altho he had learned his trade in Phila.) The 2 children were killed; whether shot or how, I don't know. They shot at Constant, as he ran in, broke his leg. He got in on his hands & one foot. Crept in ((had to go in)) uder the floor, & go into his house. Stamper got in wt. injury. Jas?, I think Jas: Berry, lived, if alive, to the side of Boonsborough. Was wounded in the battle of Little Mn: (Estill's deft. Bat. of L. Mn:.) Indns: had been over & taken a negro of Estill's. When they began to fire, in the action, the negro ran away. (fr: the indns:) Joe Proctor told me he had 7 or 8 fair shoots and was the last man on the ground. An indn: ran up to scalp Estill. J. P. shot the indn:, & seen him fail on Estill, and then he ran. Some prisoners said afterwards there were just 5 & 20 indns: & that but 5 of them got back. Cook sd: (and others sd: the same) he had fired the lst gun. The indn: were crossing Hinkston abt. 2 ms: below Mt. Sterling, when he thus fired. 2 indns: fell one of them that fell, decided to give the indns: a powerful talk, & then they fell to fighting. This Proctor & some others that were in the Battle, went back w. us to bury the dead. His negro didn't go. It was right wet weather when we went. There was an Eagle eating of Estill, & he c'dn't fly, and I took after him w. my gun stick and killed him. Varmints, thus, had destroyed Estill's intestines. I helped bury the 7 killed there. One came into Strode's wounded, that died aftwds: but I don't know whether there or no.

Billy McCracken was wounded, & died coming down the hill at Cti:, (Clark's Campn: of 1782) & was buried there on the bank of the r. Perhaps there was a cabin built there for the men that were to stay & take care of the boats. Crossed and recrossed by means of these boats they bro't w., troops fr: the falls in, when we got to the mouth of Licking. (Seemed to recollect there was a cabin put up this time for the reception of the wounded, and a small command to take care of them. But then didn't know bbut it mksht h. b. for the men to stay in. If they co'd stay in the boats, perhaps the wounded co'd have done so. But perhaps the boats were not kept there. Enquire)
Another man & I took (Molunthy, Mr. C. had no recollection of his name, even after I mentioned it to him.) & bro't him in. He patted on his breast, & sd. "King." McGary asked if he was in the Bat: of the Blue Licks. He sd. yes. MeG. then sd. d--n you, I will show you Blue Lick play: and just thkd: him. I was within 3 or 4 steps, at the time. McG. was broke of his commission for it. There was a young indn: that had been taken & put into a cabin w. some squaw prisoners. Col. Kennedy, that lived at crab-orchard, went in & knocked the young indn: down, and scalped him. I went & peeped in this crack and saw the indn: sitting up w. his scalp off.

Mathias Spohr, Joshua Bennet, & Michael Cassidy, had gone out hunting, fr: Strode's S. At night they camped abt. 3 ms: beyond North Middletown. C. laid in the middle. The Indns: had crept up behind a log not 10 feet off. They shot S. & B. both pretty dead, & then sprang upon Cassidy. In the struggle, Cassidy contrived to get hold of his tak [Ed. note: tack?]:. & then they let him go. (loose.) C. had been nearly overcome in the struggle. (thkd: him) but as he ran, they threw a war club, or something, & struck him in the back. The blood gushed out of his mouth, & he immedy: experienced relief, and acquired strength. From that, he got in that night, or in the morning, I forget which now. The indns: put a chunk to the side of Bennet & burnt his bowels out; and also made a fire on Spohr's back.

Ned Boone, was killed on Boone's CT:. It was called Plumb-Lick, till N. B. was killed on it - (abt. 5 ms: the other side of North Middletown, on the upper Blue Lick road.) Then down below the forks it was changed to Boone's CT:.

The bank washed & the bones of Bennet & Spohr were seen in it. They were buried on the bank. The bank washed, & the bones were gotten, I think by Spohr.

Patrick Scott
was here a year before me. Came in the spring. His father when he was a boy, went to the falls. (I settled here in the yr. 1790. Scott was there the year before I was here. Strode's called inside, then.)

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS

Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76

A corn right - 400 acres. This I live on was one. Ben: Duemowaiff Dayiess cleared it out of the office upon the halves, & I bo't Ben: D's ½. Daviess was killed by the ins: over by Estill's S. His widow lived here some yrs: He was gog: into the S. the indns: shot him off his horse. After I was here, a co: gog: by Stoner here, up to Slate Iron works to guard, came to the Cr: & co'd get over. The Cr: was high. We were all back in the cane, perhaps hunting cattle. They fired to make us come. We heard the round, & had like to have gone the other way. Went round thro' the cane, & taried on a point above the house, tifl we saw what it was. Stephen Biles watched towds: day, & the In: got away. When he (S. Biles) got down to the Cr: there he rubbed & got the rope? or string into loose. They saw where he had lain down & rubbed agt. a rock. His hands were tied back. We over- took some that had stolen horses, on the dividing ridge between Hinkston & Blue Licks - this side of the Upper Blue Licks, this side of the upper Blue Licks, & got all our horses again. The Ins: escaped. Were seen, but were too smart for us.
Another time, we killed 2 below the Mud Lick & got all our horses back. Another time we killed I below Knot Lick. There was a horse of my fs: (see Clarke, P 12.) & one, I think of Strode's, that we didn't get. Only saw 2 Ins: 2 on Salt Lick Cr: Had stopped, I reckon, to eat their bkft. 2 were on the back track. These 2 we killed. They raised the yell, & those at the camp raised the yell. It appeared as if there might be 40 of them. They mounted their horses, and rode to the top of the hill. There left them & fled. They knew we'd overtake them (their horses) w. the trail of their horses, (their horses) w. the trail of their horses, before they crossed the Ohio. Once, that they got my horse, we never over hauled them.

[p. 4.] I had a $60. bill when I came to Ky:, & gave it for 2 bushels of corn, & Wm: & I worked for 2 more. Had a good deal of corn (They) at Bnsbgh:. An old Mr. Guess got a good deal of pewter dish fall of corn. We lived on meat after that tifl corn raising. Every 140 of that money wo'd get 1000 acres of land. Aftwds: when the in- dns were bad: a good horse wo'd get 200 acres. Thompson, of Bnsbgh:, gave a 000d. acres, & a negro wench, for a Shetland (not Shetland, but Shelton) mare; but she was a racer. (See Clark P. 15) For 200 acres of land, & 20 bushels of corn, I gave a horse that had been given for a rifle that cost f5. - (That was me, says Wm:, but it was another cir:, He gave Matthias Spohr 200 acres of land just other side of Winchester 2V2 ms: & 20 bushels of corn, for a 3 yr: old black stud colt - homely at that. Want it to cary meat. Co'dn't let my w. starve. Had a plenty of corn by that time.) I bo't a horse when I had b. in this country 3 yrs:, to go back to the settmts: on; but the ins: stole it, & I hadn't money to get another with. (If see Clarke P. 15.)

Mem. Esqr. Richart (Duncan Oliphant Richart) in Bourbon. Chas: Parker, down by Jackstown - Rbyn: Mrs. Litton was, but is dead. Hinkston Chh: 50 yds: over the Bourbon line - (perhaps still - more) in Montgomery. (think Esqr. R. Says so line at a fallen dead tree, this side from his house.) Jas: Ellison's mill in Bath. Audu: Ellison lives in Montgomery. Dannallson Methodist & Pbyn: Mtg:h: - on the Bourbon & Clarke line. (Abt. a 1/4 m. beyond the line, in Clarke. Runs thro' a house on the farm in which the Mtg:H. corners. Allen) Obadiah Dooley in Clark. Dannelson Mtg. H. a m. fr: the mouth of the Cr: Both those branches are called brs: Peyton Lick, that leading by Esqr. Richart's & that leading to Audu: Ellisons.

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS (cont.)

Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76

Some men tell all they know: and w. so much presuming confidence, that if You discover it, you are disgusted. From Flat-rock, on the way to Mt. Sterling, you cross Grassy-Lick just above the mouth of Somerset. That crossing is some distance within Montgomery. 2 ms? Somerset comes in fr: the left. A in. or 2 farther on, crossing, (Grassy Lick or) Somerset, Aaron's run comes in, just below you, (at the ford) (as did Somerset) fr: the right. You cross that Cr: again, almost immediately.

Rockbridge Cr:, is that in the road fr: Middletown, to the fork of Boone's Cr: & Spillman's (or Skillman's) tavern. At Skillman's, going to Middletown, Plumblick comes in fr: the left. Plumblick loses it name, (then) & both in one, are called Boone's Cr:. Boone was killed between that tavern, and a house on a rise, or hill, to the left of the Cr, a little lower down (the Cr:) not far fr: that spring that is enclosed in a pen of raus. The spring is nearest to the house on the hill. Plumblick the larger. (Edwd. Boone kild. Oct. 1780)

Esqr. Richart
Letters of Cincinnati Museum, a brother of Caleb & Jackey. Caleb's wife a Presbyterian. Caleb and John brothers. John the Doctor's father.
Ben: Mills was raised, up on the National road, to the right of Washington, Pa.
14 numbers were taken off from N. Middle Town, a ______ organized into a church at Hinkston.

Heard B. F. Harris, Esqr. speak of Old Isaac Clinkenbeard's testimony in a certain suit - what? [sic]

[PJB ed. note: p. 54 in upper left corner] Printed: Filson Club Historical Ouarterly, 2:45 - 128 (April 1928)

No. 5,   W. Clinkenbeard

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

[p. 4.]

(Much better communicating than his bro: read his Bro's statement as far as it went, I only marked his correction so far as he knew any thing of the matter. Can neither read nor write.)

5. William Clinkenbeard on Good's Cr: On the Paris road fr: Winchester little over 4 ms: fr: W. going by Hornbarry Mill; Hood's Cr. empting in to Strode's Cr: near Maj. Bean's fr: the S. E. side. That is Sidler's Mill, that is there on Stoner, above the crossing of Stoner at Point Pleasant. Stoner runs down fr: Sidler's MilL past my bro: I. C's. Dannalson Cr: puts om [Owen’s Mill?] a little below Point Pleasant. Sidler's Miff is on Stoner, near Owens; & Owen's Mill on Dannalson, a little above the mouth.

Conolloway was in that narrow part of Md:, where the Va. & Pa. lines come so near together. My bro: lived there till he got to himself. My f. marrd: again, & I left my g. m. & went to live w. him, at Shepherdstown, 30 ms: lower down the Potomac. Conolloway was in Pa. My g. m. lived in Pa. Line didn't run far fr: her house. I recollect when they were cutting the line between Pa. & Md. they looked thro' spy glasses. Lifted me up, to look in. Cut the line I think it was 30 feet wide, everything down, & put up mile stones.

I was the youngest child but one, & it died. Can't remember my m. at all. Perhaps I was not more than 2 yrs. old when she died.

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THE KENTUCKY PAPERS (cont.)

Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76

 

Thos: Linn The ins: broke all the bones in his scalp so that you co'd see it beat (the brains) just like a babies. Was stone blind, and his eyes, you co'dn't see anything the matter w. them.

Recoffect when Isaac Linn came back. Went out into the back parch at his mothers & put on his indn: dress, & took his gun. His m. was afraid he was going to go off to the ins: again, but he only went to hunt.

I was at Shepherdstown when the Revolutionary war broke out. Major Beddinger was in S. learning the wagon making business, when the war commenced, he went in the 1st co: that ever went fr: our part.

((NoLinn in Greene river country, did it take its name from these Linns? Mr. C. suggests so))

McIntosh's
son was along, in that campn. Crabbed sort of fellow. We called him tow-head. We crossed the Muskingum on our way bef. we built Ft. Lawrence. (Don't recollect to have seen any folks where we put the fort.) The ford was nearly waist deep. We had some women along, Mel's son wo'dn't let a man ride over. Stood there w. his sword drawn & if one attempted to ride, he ((went)) to made him get down. Wo'dn't let even the women ride over. McIntosh had a parcel of pet ins: [ed. note: "pet Indians"] along: treated them better than he did his men. They drove beef, some of whh: they did not kill tiU they got to the place where they built Ft. Lawrence. Indns: killed Capt. Ross & another spy, as we were going out. Were our spies. Only lost those 2 spies. I saw coon eating of them as we came home. They had been thrown in a little gut-like place, & some chunks thrown over them. "Twas sd. a man killed that coon & ate it. As I saw him kill it off of the dead man & I suppose he ate it, he took it along. As I said they killed the beef, on their way out, they hung up the hides on forks, or a pole-laid on a saplin & fork (across) to save them, if they sho'd want them. On thr: way back 'twas sd: the men ate them. I was on bef. the army, coming home. I ate none.

A Ft. had been built on the Ohio, abt. 30 ms: below Ft. Pitt, called McIntosh. While we were at Ft. Lawrence - 3 cos: of us I think, I know 2, were sent back to Mcl. after more provisions. We went & as we ______ we met the army, discharged, & going home: except what were left in the fort. The men that has the provision (nothing but flour we had nothn.) kept on. The guard turned back w. the army ((little bef. it, I suppose)) I was in the light infantry. Traveling so far, so young, & w. so heavy a gun, ((carrd: his blanket, & pack, on his shoulders too.)) I was overcome. My bros: applied to the Capt. for a horse for me to ride - one of the pack horses but he so'dn't let me have one. Where we turned back bef-. the army, one morning, my bros. heard an open bell & went out & caught a continental horse, & fixed it up. I rode it for 2 or 3 days - til the army came up. It snowed and blowed very cold. It was Xmas: eve, abt. midnight, when I got to my g. in. on Conolloway. Didn't go up the Ohio - (went the way we came) Never was at Redstone or Pittsburgh in my life. We came by Braddock's battleground, as we understood - I think saw cannon baU too. ((Alluding to his bros: statement)) My bro: John was at Wat-au-ga in Tenn- a soldier; was to get land for his services. But never did. See Bourbon p. 1.

My f didn't come out till the fall 1782; while I was on Clark's campn: When I came back, I found him at the station. I carrd: chains thro' the L. B. battle ground; & I never saw bones thicker in any place. Never buried nor nothing.

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LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97

Relating to the Early Settlement & Border Warfare
of Western Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Kentucky

The Yellow Creek Affair Recollections of Henry Jolly, Esq.

Editor PJB's note: Some editing has been done, such as added punctuation to make the reading easier. This discourse is difficult to understand and follow at times, but it seemed worthwhile including in the collection. Be aware that this, too, is on the gory side.

[p. 22] Certainly, Gallopolis was not settled in the year 1756 or 7 - see page 49 - I must disagree with Mr. Withers, on page 106, etc. I was then about 16 years of age, but very well recollect what I have seen then, and information that I have since obtained from (I believe) Good Authority --- In the Spring of the year 1774 a party of Indians encamped on the Northwest of the Ohio, near the mouth of Yellow Creek - a party of whites called Greathouses party, lay on the opposite side of the river; the Indians came over to the white party. I think five men, one woman, and an infant babe; the whites Gave them rum, which three of them drank, and in a short time became very drunk, the other two men and the woman refused; the sober Indian challenged to shoot at a mark, to which they agreed, and as soon as they emptied their Guns, the whites shot them down; the woman at- tempted to take flight, but was also shot down; She lived long enough however to beg mercy for the babe, telling them that it was a kin to themselves; they had a man in the cabbin, prepared with tomahawk for the purpose of killing the three drunk Indians, which was immediately done. The party of men and women moved off for the Interior Settlements, and came to Catfish Camp in the morning of the next day, where they tarried until the next day," I very well recollect my mother, feeding and dressing the Babe, chirping to the little innocent, and it smiling, however they took it away, and talked of sending it to its supposed father Col. John Gibson of Carlisle, Pa. who was then, & had been for several years a trader away to the Indians.

The remainder of the party, at the mouth of Yellow Creek, finding that their friends on the opposite side of the river was massacred, they attempted to escape by descending the ohio, and in order to avoid being discovered by the whites, passed on the west side of Wheeling Island and landed at pipe creek a small stream that empties into the ohio a few miles below Graves creek, where they were overtaken by Cresap with a party of men from Wheeling; they took one Indian scalp, and had one white man badly wounded, (Big Tarrene ??) they I believe carried him in a litter from Wheeling to Redstone -- I saw the party on the return from their victorious campaign. Mss. Note.- that portion of this narrative relates to Cap. M. Cresap agrees with the widow of Col. Ebe. Lane published in Jef. notes.

The Indians had for sometime before this event thought themselves intruded upon by the long knife, as they called the Virginians at that time, and [p. 23] many of them were for war -- however, they called a council in which Logan acted a conspicuous part, he admitted their ground of complaint, but at the same time reminded them of some aggressions on the part of the Indians, and that by a war, they could but harass, and distress the frontier settlements for a short time, that the long knife would come like the trees in the woods and that

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PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97

ultimately they would be drove from their good land that they now possessed, he therefore strongly recommended peace; to him they all agreed, grounded the hatchet, everything wore a tranquil appearance, when behold, in came the fugitives from Yellow Creek. Logan's father, Brother and sister murdered; what is to be done now; Logan has lost three of his nearest and dearest relations the consequences is that this same Logan, who a few days before was so pacified raised the hatchet, with a declaration, that he will not ground it, until he has taken ten for one, which I believe have completely fulfilled, by taking thirty scalps and prisoners in the summer of '74 -- the above has often been told to me by some persons who was at the Indian town, at the time of the Council alluded to, and also when the remains of the party came in from Yellow Creek; Thomas Nicholson has told me the above and much more, another person (whose name I cannot recollect) told me that he was at the towns when the Yellow Creek Indians came in, that there was a very great lamentation by all the Indians of that place; the friendly Indian advised him to leave the Indian Settlement, which he did.

Could any person of common rationality believe for a moment, that the Indians came to Yellow Creek with hostile Intentions, or that they had any suspicion of the whites, having any hostile Intentions against them, would five men have crossed the river, three of them in a short time dead drunk, the other two discharging their guns, putting themselves entirely at the mercy of the whites, or would they have brought over a squaw with an infant paupoos, if they had not reposed the utmost confidence in the friendship of the whites? Every person who is [p. 24] acquainted with Indians knows better, and it was the belief of the inhabitants who ever capable of reasoning on the subject, that all the depredations committed on the frontier by Logan and his party, as a retaliation, for the murder of Logans friends at Yellow Creek -- I mean all the depredations committed in the year 1774 --- It was well known that Michael Cresap had no hand in the Massacre at Yellow Creek --

On page 191, it stated that a party was sent out to bring in horses - all the truth in that Statement is that they went out and not one of them returned. It was said their party consisted of 17; I was acquainted with some of the men who were killed but it is a fact that there was not a horse left at Fort Laurence when the army left it, what would horses be left there fore, unless it was to inrich or be taken away by the Indians, away with such silly bombart the fact is the event out for the purpose of carrying in firewood, which the army had cut before they left the place, some 40 or 50 rods from the fort, and near the bank of the river there was a mound behind which lay a quantity of wood and a party had went out several very cold mornings and brought in wood, supposing the Indians would not be watching the fort in such very cold weather, but on that fatal morning the Indians had concealed themselves behind the mound, and as the soldiers passed round on one side of the mound a part of the Indians came round on the other, and enclosed the wood party so that not one escaped, I do again assert, that not a solitary horse was left there, when the army left it.

But, on the 192 page are very eroneous statements; true it is Capt. Clark was left at the fort when the army left it for the purpose of marching in invalids and attaificers who had tarried behind the army, he endeavored to take the advantage of very cold weather, and had marched 23 or 4 miles (for I have three or four times tracked over the ground soon after) he was fired on by a small party of Indians very close, I think 20 or 30 paces. This wounded two of his men slightly, knowing as he did, that these men were not capable of fighting Indians in their own way, ordered them to reserve their fire, and charge Bayonet, which put the Indians to [p. 25] flight, and after pursuing a short distance he called his men off, and returned to the fort, and marched all the men in, that he had marched out.

A few days after Genl. McIntosh commenced building a fort on the west bank of the Tuscaraway. Three companies were detached for the purpose of escorting provisions from Fort McIntosh for the purpose of supporting the troops that might be left in the new Garrison, two companies of regulars and one of Militia, the three companies returned to fort McIntosh (70 miles) all the pack horses that were out with the army were returned with the said three companies, to Fort McIntosh and after waiting there some days for provisions, the pack horses were again loaded, and set out under the same escort for Tuscaraway, on the head of Yellow Creek, the Indians begun to meet parties of the militia, rushing on toward the ______ with all possible speed. The company of Militia composed fully one third of the escort joined their companies and returned, having the

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two companies of regular (of which I was one) to guard the provisions to the fort some distance down Sandy Creek we saw General McIntosh, Col. Brodhead, and Col. Crawford, with the regular troops, and a few Militia, marching in tolerably good order, we encamped that night about five miles from the fort, and the next day delivered the provisions, and one company remained at the fort, and the pack horses were escorted back to fort McIntosh, by a single company. I presume about fifty men under the command of Lieut. G. R. (a froog thing) we arrived all safe on Christmas eve at Fort McIntosh. I was with Genl. McIntosh when he went out with the ?rekip? to Col. Gibson, I was, an eye witness to the destruction of the provisions, when Genl. McIntosh arrived to view the fort, It was late in the evening, when it happened, a great part of the flour was lost, a considerable part of next day was spent hunting horses, and the day following the troops marched for Fort McIntosh, Maj. Vernon left to command the fort. About the first of June he was relieved by Lieut. Col. Campbell of the Virginia line, on the first or second of August, the Garrison was evacuated. I was one of the last that left it - we arrived at fort Pitt on the seventh - [p. 26]

Page 217 Catfish Camp -- The men tied to trees, tomahawked, and scalped, were William Hawkins, Jacob Link and ___[blank]__ Burnett. They had two young men prisoners at the same time, Jacob Miller, and Presley Peak and some families. Miller escaped from them that night - I saw him the next day. Presley Peak was taken to Detroit and after some time came home. Col. McClellan and Maj. Harrison were both killed and other relations of Col. Crawford, but his son John was not. I was well acquainted with him and have seen him, many years after Crawford Campaign, see page 446 --- I believe Lewis Wetsel was the most active rifleman that I ever was acquainted with and was very willing to tell all his feats, but never pretended that he had killed more than two Indians at that time; see page 249.

Fort McIntosh built in the summer and fail of 1770, but no cannon until (I think) near the last of Sept., when the eighth Regt. of Pennsylvania brought us six field pieces, 4 to 9 pounders, one was mounted on each bastion, and two in the centre of the fort -- page 173 -- he out of the six boys taken prisoner I expect is correct; Henry Johnson, I believe is a respectable character lives now in 'Woodfield -- page 306-- on page 237 -- we are told that tow youths made their escape. One of them had been knocked down and scalped, this reminds me of what has been told to me by a man who was taken by the Indians when a lad in Wheeling, it happened soon after the murder of the Moravians when they came to the first Indian settlements, they took him to a cabbin, where he was left with an old man, an old woman, and a small boy. The woman and the boy wept bitterly, the boy was sent out and whipped with two bunches of small switches, the old man at the same time lay down on a bed with his face to the wall and the old woman and another boy fen to work with the switches on the poor prisoners, until the old man spoke to them, and they ceased, dried up their tears and the old man then showed him the cause, by taking a bandage off and showing that the boy had been tomahawked and scalped at the massacre of the Moravians. The old man told him to keep good heart, his Greatest punishment would be running the ganlet [?gauntlet?] at the

* see Heckew Elders Nar. p. 322: For Munger Jr. letters p. 158 [p.27] and the Indians would take him to Detroit, and that he would in a short time return to his friends, all of which happened in about a year after giving him a refreshment they took him away.

I am sorry to see an error on page 262. The John Lynn mentioned there was Capt. William Lynn, he commanded a company in '74 under Dunmore. He and Johnson Campbell was the means of saving a part of Foremans company at Grave Creek narrows. He served a very conspicuous officer, a number of campaigns from Kentucky, under Clark, Scott and Logan, it was said by many that he was one of the main springs of the campaign. He died at last as the fool doth, riding alone he was killed by the Indians on Bear Grass not far from the Falls of the Ohio. So died old Bill Lynn, a brave soldier, an honest man and true friend to his country. He was an early settler on the Monongahela river, and I do not believe, that Capt. Bill Lynn was in that part of the country at the time of the last attack on Wheeling -- he certainly was in Kentucky in the year 1782, [Ed. note: Wm. Lynn was killed by the Indians in KY in 1781,] but have no doubt of his
being there where it was attacked in the year 1777 ---

On page 265. It is asserted that F. Duke was killed in the 2nd or last attack on Wheeling, but the fact is in the first of Sept. in the year 1777, Frank Duke, and his brother-in-law Wm. Shepherd was killed. For particulars as respects the attacks on Wheeling, I refer to Capt. John Mills on Wheeling, a veteran of the

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Revolution and Thos. Mills of Monroe county, Ohio the latter reed. 16 or 17 wounds at one vouey some years ago the particulars of that was published in the Friend, I rec'd it from the mouth of the said Thos. Mills. I believe Capt. Wm. Lynn gave the alarm when the Indians were approaching to the fort in '77 and Geo. Green gave the alarm in '82 --- and I do assert that F. Dukes widow was married to Levi Springer of Fayette county (Pa.) before the Indians made the last attack on Wheeling Fort. It is a pity that so many murders that have been committed should be passed without notice. The Syms family at Fish Creek, Andersons family at Clarks Blockhouse, he was a brother of Peter Anderson at Bellville -- a family by the name of Jolly on Wheeling; the killing of John Walker and wounding Lieut. [p. 28] Biggs at the mouth of Indian Wheeling. Lt. Biggs lives now on Pipe Creek, Belmont county [OH].

The killing of Capt. John Wetsel and another man near Fish Creek -- and the remarkable adventure of Lewis Wetsel on that occasion that has been within my own knowledge the killing of Erlewin and taking John Wetsel prisoner and the killing of three Indians, by Hamilton Ker and Isaac Williams, and in the mouth of Grave Creek, and retaking the prisoners.

In the spring of the year eighty three* two Indians came to Grave Creek flats, and after taking some flour from and old lady, went up to Wheeling and killed Redford and _______. There is nothing said about the wounding, and miraculous escape of Nathan Parr, late of this county and the slave belonging to Philip Wetten, late of this county, was taken prisoner by two Indians -- he killed one and made his escape. In the last of Augt. or first of Sept. in '77 the Indians killed some children near Shepards, fort [and] took a lad prisoner. He was about eleven years old and lived with the Indians. He went in company with two Indians, into Kentucky, and was accessory to the death of both the Indians. He lives now in the Belmont county Ohio. Some part of the above was published some years ago in the American Friend which I believe is the most correct acct. that can possibly be obtained at this time.

I should ever feel myself able to write, I will add a little to the narrative of Lewis Wetsel, which is particularly within my own knowledge.

John Carpenter mentioned on page 233, a man with whom I was intimately acquainted, he escaped from them some distance beyond the Moravian towns and came _________. I heard him relate the particulars of his campaign (as he called it) and it was truly laughable; I think he was about a dead match for Col. Sproat -- only I presume not quite so well educated. I have heard him repeat it so often without variation, that I believe I could almost repeat it verbatum.
(See notes of Jos. Tomlinson - wh. say May, 1784) * This was in Spring of 1784 - as Judge Jolly subsequently corrects --- errors into which he fell -- that instead of removing to the frontier in Spring of 1783, he did not say remove till the following Spring; & he also states that he could give an account of events from this time of his settling on the frontier. L. C. D.

Recollections of Henry Jolly, Esq. -
Indian Warfare from 1774 to ________ being notes to the "Border Warfare," printed at Clarksburg, Va. 1831.

Isaac Jolly, Wm. Brads

[p. 29] Some time in Augt, in the year 1781, a large party of hostile Indians came to the Moravian town on Big Muskingum, and encamped round the town for the purpose of preventing the Americans conveying intelligence to the frontier settlements, but a crippled squaw, was permitted to pass out and conveyed the intelligence to Fort McIntosh from Minor to Pittsburgh to Col. Brodhead's commandant of the Western department, & from him to the different leading officers in the frontier. Volunteers immediately turned out to the frontier forts, about ten of us went from the vicinity of Washington, Pa. and went to Vanmaters fort. We arrived there in the evening and on that day, a small party of of Indians came in, & killed 3 or 4 hogs that Maj. McColloch had in a pen, on his farm took two or three horses & then crossed the Ohio above Wheeling and were gone the small party from Washington (of which I was part) the danger was over for that time. We returned to our homes, but the next day we rec'd intelligence that a large party of Indians had crossed the river at Bogg's Island, 3 or 4 miles below the mouth of Wheeling. We immediately retraced our steps back to the frontier; the Indians when they crossed the river, took up middle Wheeling until they came to Links blockhouse which had been abandoned for some short time, but at that time there was three or four men in it. I am not able to name any of

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them to a certainty, but Jacob Miller. But, my impression is that old Philip Mupponduck had one or two brothers killed there. Miller was their spokesman, & made conditions for himself, or at least so the Indians construed & as soon as the door opened, they ______ ______ but Miller, him they saved, from there they went to the ridge dividing the waters of Wheeling Buffaloe Creek, then discovering two farms & seeing people at each farm they separated, so that they might [p. 30] surprise both at the same time. One farm belonged to Wm. Hawkins, the other to _[blank]_ Peak. Just as they were preparing to make their descent, a party of about 20 volunteers on horse back, (of which I was one) passed between them and the places they meant to attack; however, they rushed on, and how many they killed Hawkins, I do not recollect, but they took Hawkins and his daughter prisoners (I will if strength permits before I blese give an acct. of the miraculous escape of Mrs. Hawkins and her infant Babe), and the two partys met at Peaks, from there they commenced their retreat toward the Ohio, traveling a short distance the ______ and tied three of the prisoners to saplings & after talking to them a while enquiring about the number of men that might be on the frontier, the answer not less than 150 men at that time between them & the Ohio -- they then tomahawked the three tied prisoners, and started rapidly for the Ohio. The three tomahawked were Hawkins, Link, & Burnet. They had four other prisoners, to wit, Jacob Miller, Presley Peak & Miss Hawkins & Miss Walker. Miller that night made his escape, and came to us next morning, gave a full account of what the Indians had done, and they were at that time over the rivers, In the night about 70 or so, we then went & buried the dead and returned to our homes.

The Indians on their return carried off the whole of the Moravians. I believe to Upper Sandusky, and after some time, finding that the Moravians had not the means or substances, the hostile Indians permitted a part of them to return to winter on their corn, potatoes, etc., particularly invalid old men, women and children. This amounted for the very great proportion of women & children that was murdered there in the March following.

The above Jacob Miller has said in detached conversation that it was said 82 Moravians were killed, besides 7 men, who had some of the appearance of warriors they did not mix with the Moravians, took no part in their [p. 31] devotions, but had a separate apartment for themselves. When it was decided that the Moravians must die, Miller & few others tried to get out of hearing, but Ceilu said the death screams out went [with] us --- This and much more I heard from Jacob Miller, whose veracity, I believe never was impeached by them that knew him.

Hawkins' house was built on a small branch of Buffaloe Creek, which made a high bluff bank and when the Indians made their attack. She, Mrs. Hawkins, snatched up her infant Babe and over the bluff & into the stream she went, the high bluff completely hid her from the Indians. She went down the stream perhaps some 15 rods, and then turned up another stream, keeping in the water lest she should be tracked, but she soon discovered three Indians canoeing up the stream right after her. She squatted in the water and they passed by, she soon left the stream and took the high ground the three that further met an old man, by the name of Walker, he was on horseback, and his daughter, a young woman on behind him. The Indians fired and killed the old man, and took his daughter and horse, and on their return, they again met Mrs. Hawkins, she squatted in the weeds, & they passed her as before. The distressed creature and her infant lay in the woods all night under a heavy rain some part of the time.

The next eve as we were returning to our homes, a man rode ahead & turned off on some business, & was waiting at the road when we came -up. He told us of the woman in distress & requested assistance which was readily granted. A man turned out & away they went to fetch the woman & her Babe & as he was going he told that she had seen a party, sun about two hours high yesterday. My God Indians here two hours ago & the whole party appeared panic struck in a moment, and off they went the fastest horse I believe foremost, I think there was not less than 25 of the party and only two [p. 32] remained to assist the distressed woman. Such were the heroes of Washington county, such were the men who murdered the Moravians, such were the heros that fought at Sandusky, and such were the men that Col. Williamson mostly commanded. Col. Williamson was no doubt a brave man, but it (which rarely happened) was mixed with a degree of cruelty, very unbecoming a soldier. I will observe, that Col. W. was not with the party that so shamefully run away & left the distressed woman.

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THE PITTSBURGH AND WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 77-89
Microfilm No. 97

Interview of John Lynn Crawford 

[p. 77] My Grandfather John Crawford was an emmigrant from Scotland and settled and improved a tract of land near where Chambersburg now stands. There he died in the year 1740* leaving a widow, four sons and one daughter, named George, Arthur, William (my father) Mary & John who was a posthumous cud. The widow afterward married John McKinney (who was likewise an emigrant from Scotland) by whom she had three sons and one daughter, namely James, Robert, Joseph and Elizabeth.

John McKinney
sold the plantation near Chambersburg and removed to Big Runalloway* [Tonolowayl near where Hancock Town now stands; where shortly afterwards his house was burned by the Indians and himself taken prisoner; the family's Bible was burned in the house in which the children's ages were recorded. McKinney knew the Indian that took [him]. They had a long race and when the Indian took hold of him he says "John you run very fast and you run a great while too." The Indian's name I have forgotten, however, McKinney called him by name and says "I hope you will not kill me." The Indian said he would not and kept his word. He was taken to Fort Duquesne (now Pittsburgh) and from there to Canada where the French set him to reaping peas with three other fellow prisnors. This was near the St. Lawrence or probably Niagara, however one night after working hard all day the four prisoners took a canoe and made their escape over the river and after many days made their way to the settled parts of the state of New York.

I do not recollect how many days they were in the wilderness, but I remember to hear that shortly after they made their escape, John McKinney had the misfortune to have his shoulder dislocated and was not put in till he came to the settlement. They suffered greatly for provisions, having nothing but what they could pick up in the woods. One article of food was a hawk that had stuck his claws into a fish and was unable to raise with it or to extracate himself from it. They killed both the fish and the hawk. When opening the hawk they saw in it a snake, but still they ate it. Pinching hunger made it palatable.

When they came within a short distance of the settlement they disputed about the course. McKinny and one of the other men took one direction and other two a different one. The whole party by this time was nearly exhausted with hunger and fatigue and had nearly given themselves up to despair, but fortunatly the two men that had parted from McKinney came to the settlement early the next day [p. 781 and gave an account of their unfortunate companions who had parted from them the day before. On hearing of which a number of the inhabitants started in search of them and found them from the course they were going. They never would have reached the settlement in their debilitated condition. The men who found them was obliged to carry them part of the way to the settlement.

On their arrival a Doctor was procured to put in the shoulder of McKinney, which I think my father told me had been out eleven days. He bathed it for a long time with warm water before attempting to put it in. I do not know whether this is a practice with the doctors of the present day, however his shoulder was put in and McKinny was treated with the greatest kindness by the people and returned to his family exactly eleven months from the day he was taken.

Note at bottom of page. *This sp? from 5 to 10 years later - see W. Crawford ?right? on next page, 1744 - LCD. ** See Gordon's Hist. of Pa. p. 614.

Arthur Crawford
my father's brother was taken prisoner about the same time, but by a different party of Indians. I have heard my father say he was about 14 years of age when he was taken and that he was two years older than my father who was born on the 6th of August 1744. From this he must have been taken about 1756.

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PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
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Microfllm Reel No. 97

When McKinney came in he brought the news that Arthur Crawford was living and that he had seen him at Fort Duquesne; that he was amongst the Delaware nation of Indians. The circumstances of the capture of Arthur Crawford are as follows. (to wit) He was in company with his uncle of the name of Lowther his first name I have forgotten. When the Indians came upon them Lowther having a rifle he shot down one of the indians after which they were both taken. Lowther was striped naked and tied to a cabin. Arthur Crawford was tied to a tree at a short distance where he could see all that was going on.

There had been a number of reapers at the place who had left sickles hanging on the corner of the cabin. Those sickles the Indians took and amused themselves for about an hour in cutting Lowther in every part of his body and limbs. They put out both of his eyes with the points of the sickles and when they had thus satisfied their hellish vengance they tomahawked and scalped him and cut off his head.

Arthur Crawford after seeing those horrid cruelties practiced on his uncle was taken to Fort Duquesne as I have before stated and was adopted into the family of the noted Indian Chief White Eyes. This White Eyes afterwards embraced the Christian religion and had a son educated at Princeton College, New Jersey.

[p. 79] About the time of the capture of Arthur Crawford there was one Thomas Lynn tomahawked and scalped by the Indians and left for dead. My father was on a hill at some distance and seen the whole trans- action. Lynn recovered, but lost his sight. Isaac Lynn the brother of Thomas* was taken at the same time. He was about the age of my uncle Arthur Crawford and after they had been prisoners several years they agreed to run away from the Indians together, but Lynn had become so attached to the Indians that he divulged the secret and had like to have lost my uncle his life.

White Eyes, my uncles Indian father took all the skins of my uncles killing for the first two years after that. He let him hunt for himself and he became the greatest hunter and trapper of his day in particular for hunting with the Stocking Head: This mode of hunting I have never seen put in practice, but it has been described to me by my father, thus: when the buck is killed and the horns in full bloom, take the whole head and horns with some of the joints of the neck and over this draw a stocking or piece of cloth of the colour of the deer's hair at the hunting season so as to represent the neck of the buck. The hunter hides himself in the bushes, or behind a tree, and holds to fair view the head and horns of the buck and works with it in neck a way that the deer is deceived in the appearance and will walk up frequently so near that the hunter can strike him with his hand. This mode of hunting has been laid aside before my time or at least I have not seen it put in practice, but I have been told that a Michael Debolt that lived about five miles from my fathers when I was a child did practice it and had been a long time prisoner with the Indians. I think when the Indians used nothing but bows and arrows this mode would be very important.
Arthur Crawford continued to live with the Indians for seven years but might have come home to his at the end of six years had not fortune decided otherwise. The case is thus: he had his hunting or Indian cabbin at the mouth of Big Beaver on the Ohio and he had skins and furs sufficient to have loaded his two horses in the spring of the year he started on a traping tour up Big Beaver intending on his return to start home but on his return behold the Ohio had raised so high in his absence as to carry off his cabin and all his skins and as he had reason to believe (which was really true) that his friends were all poor, he concluded to stay and hunt another year and come in with his two horses loaded with skins.

Note at bottom of page: *See MSS. notes of Andw. Linn Note Book No.1 small size 1845.

p. 80 - When he came home his mother was dead and the family scattered. My Father had been bound by the orphans court and was living with Samuel Combs in Loudoun County, Virginia. How my Father came to be so far removed from his former place of residence I have never learned. Pontacks was breaking out shortly after the return of Arthur Crawford. He was commissioned a captain of a ranging company and the people had great expectations from his service, but in this they were disappointed for shortly afterwards he caught the small pocks and died, together with his sister Mary. My Father never seen his brother Arthur after his return from the Indians. It is true his master gave him liberty to go and see his brother within the Christmas holidays, but with positive orders to be back within a certain time, but on account of high waters he was detained and obliged to return without seeing his brother and the next news he heard was that he was dead. My Uncle John Crawford

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was with my uncle Arthur from the time of his return from the Indians til his death and it is from him I have learned more of the anedotes of my uncle Arthur. He says my uncle Arthur was about five feet eight inches high square built and very active and strong that he could carry a large Buck on his back for several miles with great ease. That shortly after he was taken by the Indians his Indian Father (White Eyes) had his hunting camp near where Brownsville now stands and that in the morning when Arthur was starting out to hunt White Eyes would give him as much sausage stufft in Bears gut as would lap round his fingers and tell him "Boys must not eat much for if they did, they would never make good hunters." My uncle was generally fortunate in hunting but there was another Indian in their company that had a son about the age of my uncle he would frequently come to camp at night and bring in no game. His father would apply a hicory to his back (a practice very uncommon with the Indians) and tell him he did not hunt right, he kept too much on the water courses, whereas he ought to hunt on the tops of the ridges.

About this time George Crawford my Father's oldest Brother started on a visit to see some friends in North Carolina & was drowned in James River, Virginia.

My Father William Crawford served out his time with Samuel Combs except the last five months when an agreement took place between him and his master that my Father was to have liberty to depart on condition that his [p. 811 Master was to be exhonerated from paying any freedom dues. My Father then enlisted for five months under a captain Chamel, a Scotchman who was commissioned to raise a company of rangers to defend the frontiers. Their headquarters was at Enochs Fort on Big Cape Capon. They were dressed in the fashion of Scoch highlanders with the plaid or kilt. My father was married in the year 1767 to the daughter of David Kenady near the forks of Cossoquge & came to the western cuntry in the year 1769 and made a small improve- ment and returned in the spring of 1770. He came out with an intention of continuing the said improvement,* but when he came to the spot, he found one Roger Roberts at work on the land and wishing to have no dispute he sold Roberts his improvement for a trifle and came to the west side of the Monongohela River and with his Negro man named Cook, be began an improvement. They had brought with them one cow to give them milk, they built a cabbin, cleared five acres of ground and put it in corn. As my Father had a rifle he killed as much wild meat as he wanted for himself, my uncle John Crawford came out at the same time and improved land adjoining after my Father had laid by his corn, he hired Cook to William Shephard who with his wife had moved out the same spring, and his wife Rebekah Sheppard was the only white woman then in the bounds of what is now Greene County. The distance from Sheppards cabbin to my Fathers was about three miles. Cook was to come every Satturday afternoon to see the corn. My Father started over the mountain to move out my Mother & my oldest sister which was all the child[ren] they had at that time. My Father at the mouth of Muddy Creek met with Thomas Crago an old acquaintance from Conoquige. He told my father he had two cows that they gave him plenty of milk and could make butter if he had a churn. My Father gave him directions where to find his cabbin and to take his churn & keep it till his return from over the Mountain. Accordingly Crago in a fiew days came to the cabbin and took the churn and on his return was met by four Indians two men & two women. Those Indians attempted to take Cragos Horse to carry one of their party who had been wounded shortly before on the Monongahela river near the lowest point, by some White men from Whome they had stole some property. As they were descending the river, Crago would not give up his horse & a scuffle took place. Crago got the Indian down and one of the Indians [p. 82] woman took a rifle & shot Crago through the head, the next day old Cook came to see the corn in company with John Moore and when they came within three fourths of a Mile of my fathers cabbin they came upon the dead body of Crago and my father's churn laying by him.
Moore

Note at bottom of page: *This improvement was 4 ms above Brownsville - sold to Roberts for 50 Va. currency + 2 ms west of the river, near Carmichaeltown, on John Wm. Crawford ______ left his gun with Cook to watch the corps[e] and gathered some of the neighbours, buried Crago and followed the Indians to where they had camped the night before. They had not taken the Horse more than half a mile till they tomhocked him and at their camp they had tomhocked a Dog to keep from barking as was supposed. After [the] shooting [of Crago, Sheppard charged Cook not to tell Mrs Sheppard that the Indians had killed Crago as she was the only white woman in the cuntry which he promised to observe, but when he returned Mrs

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Sheppard asked him if he had seen anything of Thomas Crago. He made no answer; asked him a second & third time and still no answer. She then asked him if the indians had killed him his answer then was that men had told him not to tell her. This was telling her plane enough. A lye was unnatural to Cook. The last part of the foregoing tale I had from Mrs. Sheppard's own mouth in last June 1831 for she is still living & perfectly intelligible though upwards of eighty years of age.

The reason Mrs. Sheppard gave me for thinking the Indians killed Thomas Crago was as follows: Crago had as yet built no cabbin, but with his two little boys (Thomas & Robert) lived in a campt by the side of a log. The oldest boy was eleven the younger nine years of age. The youngest boy Robert had his hand burnd and every morning for some time had come to Mrs. Sheppard to get his hand dressed. The morning after their father was killed, [the] boys came as usual to get Roberts hand dressed & they told Mrs. Sheppard "Dady has run away." "Where is he run to?" says Mrs. Sheppard. The boys said "He had the day before went to Bill Crawford's cabbin to get a churn and had not returned from that moment." Mrs. Sheppard thought the Indians had killed him for certainly he would not have left those little boys all night by themselves - about this time an Indian of the name of Bald Eagle had been hunting high up the Monongahela river and after making his hunt was descending the Monongahela river with his skins when about four miles below where Morgan Town now stands he was fired upon by a young man of the name of J S* [Note in Mss.: *Scott - afterward Col. Scott lived on the west side of the river.] and killed without any provocation on what ever. The canoe of the dead Indian floated down to Provese Fort about two miles above the Mouth of Big Whitely when he was [p. 83] taken out and buried, but what became of his skins, I never learned.

Sometime after this other Indians on their way down the river called on the uncle of J. S. who had killed their friend Bald Eagle. He told them there was bad people at Provenus Fort [and] it would be best for them not call there accordingly. When they passt Provences Fort they kept on the opposite saide of the river. About this time an Indian of the name of Jacob with his family lived on Kehn fork of Dunkard. He tended a small patch of rich Bottom land in corn and hunted. He continued there for some time and was very service- able to the white people living on the lower parts of Dunkard by furnishing them with many Horse loads of wild meat, etc. at a moderate price. At length some lawless men whose names I have forgotten came to [his] cabbin and murdered him. Two of his children* [Note in Mss.: *this occured early in Sept, 1769: See extracts from Md. Gazette 1760-1767, p.179. L.C.D.] made their escape to the Ohio, where they were alomost starved to death. It gives me pain to state those things, but truth requires that it should be done, not with standing the universal disposition of the Indians to retaliate for an injury done to an individual of their tribe. There was as yet no war, but in the spring of 1774 when Cissup & Great House with their party killed a number of peaceable Indians (the partiuclar of which is stated in Jefferson notes of Virginia) the people instantly set about building Forts in every direction on both sides of the Monongahela river with full expectation that there would be an Indian War. In this they were not disappointed for in May 1774 the noted Indian Chief Logan came with a party and killed a man of the name of Spicer with his wife and five children and took two of his children prisoner to wit, Betsy a girl of eleven years old and William nine years old. As soon as my father received the alarm he took my mother and children to Jenkins fort & then rode all night to warn the people to fly to the forts for safety. The next day my father went with a party to bury the dead. The sight was awful to those that had never seen anything of the kind before, but to my father those scenes had been common from his childhood. One man says "For God sake let us clear ourselves the Indians are hiding in the high weeds near us and will kill us every one." My father says "For God sake do you clear yourself. Such a man as you is sufficient to spoil a dozen good men." Captain Logan sent on the prisoners and plunder, with the main body of the Indians from the place where he killed the family which was once Branchy Dunkard Creek called Meadow Run and himself and an Indian [p. 84] of the name of Snake and they too came on to big Whitey Creek killed a man of the name of Rencer who was not found for several days till the bussards was seen flying about his dead body, when he was taken up and buried. Those two Indians secreted themselves behind a fence near Jenkins Fort the same evening after the party had returned from burying Spicers family.

The following narrative I will give as Betsy Spicer had it from Capt. Logan on his return to the Indian Towns. He says when lying behind the fence he heard a woman with a sharp shrill voice say "Who will turn out and Guard the women to milk their cows? There was, he said, a long string of men came out of the fort Gate

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PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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with rifles on their shoulders and when they came out they were frequently Pointing with their rifles at different objects. Several times they pointed towards him and he had sometimes thought of runing but laid still till night when him and his Companion Snake went off the next day, they came on the waters of Mudy Creek to the cabbin of James Fleniken where they killed a Mare and a pet wolf from thence to the cabbin of John Crawford (my uncle) where they cut some bags of rye to pececes and took a brass kettle which they took only about three hundred yards when they struck a tomahock through its bottom and left it from thence they went to the cabbin of Thomas Hughs where they broke some ?potmettle,? from thence they came to the cabbin of James Moredock but took nothing but a plate of meat, from thence they came near Vanmeters fort where they killed a man of the name of Wall. There was some mischief done about this time on the waters of Ten mile, but I am not sure that those two Indians did it. The same day that those depredations were committed, my father with his black man Cook and an Irish weaver of the name of John Sloan, started to my father's cabbin to bring some necessaries and drive out a cow to give milk to his children (I was the youngest) when they came to my fathers Cabbin and loaded the horses, Cook mounted one, John Sloan the other, each with his class knife open in his hand intending if fired upon by the Indians to cut the cash ropes and let the lodes tumble and clear themselves on horse back if possible. My father says "John do [you] think you could fight?" "Oh, God" (says John) "I have fought on board of a 74 till the blood run out an oar J V Scuttles." They took up the line of march the cavelry in [p. 85] front!

My father in the rear with his wife driving the cow before him when the party came near my uncle John Crawfords cabbin. It seems the cow seen the Indians for she run back. My father followed her round my uncles field and brought her back and then the party came to the cabbin; it had been plundered by the Indians, but a moment before! The door was open, the bags of rye cut in slivers & the rye runing out; the brass kettle missing which at that time was all the Household furniture probably my uncle had left in his cabbin. My uncle was not yet married and in those days when a man left his cabbin in the language of the new Testament he took up his bed and walked.
I should have in formed the reader before this, (that is if ever this produation should be thought worth reading which is very doubtful) that my father when he came to this country he had three very valuable Horses; three Land Jobbers allias Horse theives, came & stayd all night with my father. He gave them the best his cab- bin afforded and when they went away they stole all his horses! In the course of some years one of them was hanged in some parts of Virginia, I have forgot the County, his name was Dilts. He confessed under the Gallows that the first Horses he ever stole was the property of a man of the name of Crawford in Muddy Creek Settlement, that Mosses Hollady was in his company with another Man whose name I shall not mention, that they all three had been well treated that after he had catched the Horses his conscience smote him and he turned them loose. Mosses Hallady then called him "A D-d hen hearted Son of a bitch" and told him to catch the Horses again. He did so, [but] all this was no proof against Hollady, but my father thought him guilty and meeting him at Catfish Camp (now Washington) in the 1781-2 he attempted to inflect such punishment as was common in those days, but the Publican protected him by locking him up in a room so that my father could not get at him.

At the mouth of Big Sandy on the Ohio in the year 1767, I seen the same Moses Hollady. Two men that I knew was bringing him up the Ohio in a canoe he was struck with the palsy; he could not walk with out crutches & was then a beggar and presented to me his brief I gave him 250 and told him I am the son of such a man living in such a place now go & sin no more --- in the course of that summer he came into the House of my oldest sister living on Big Redstone. He presented his brief-, "Begone out of my house you old villian! You stole my father's Horses!" says my sister. This is the last I heard of Mosses Hollady.

[p. 86] During the year 1775-6 I am not possitive that there was any murder committed by the Indians, but if I should be better informed I will state it hereafter; in those years I think the Indians were in Suspence whether to join the Brittish or remain nutral. The British wished the Indians to adopt the first and the United States the latter, however there was Several false alarms. I remember one in the summer of 1776. I was then not four years old, the particulars of the alarm I do not recollect. John Blair & family James Fieniken & family, my father & family, uncle John Crawford & family, all fled together to Jenkins fort a distance of four miles. I remember I was waked up out of my sound sleep and thrown on a horse behind John Blair and he

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PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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Microfllm Reel No. 97

carried his little daughter before him. We all arrived at the fort at the break of day. On my way to the fort I fell asleep and in going up the bank of little Whitely creek, I fell off into the bed of the creek. My father was close behind and threw me on again. When we arrived at the fort and my father and the rest was busy in taking the loads of the horses I remember to hear my father say "There is the man that raised the false alarm. I have a notion to pick out him." However, I seen my father shortly after this talking with the man & appeared to be moderate. The man told him he had not told a lye, but he was deceived. I think from the sound of his voice he was a Dutchman. The next day we all came home again.

In the spring of the year 1777, the Indians committed some depredations which I here relate. Hereafter, my father moved his family to Jacob Vanmeters fort, a distance of three miles, where we remaind for about two weeks when my father moved us home again. When we came home there was a number of the neighbours collected and was busy in building a fort at my fathers. They built five cabbin in addition to two others that my father had built for his own convenience. The vacancy between the cabbins was fined with stockade ex- tending about ten feet above the ground with port holes to fire out of if necessary. This year is designated by the name of the Tory year it was in this year that so many of my father's neighbours joined a conspiracy against the Government and secretly took an oath to be true to the Government of George the third, in pointed voyolation of the declaration of Independence. I shall trace as lightly on the ashes of those deluded men as will be consistant with truth. I shall only mention the two first letters of the names of those concerned, [p. 871 and as they had threatened the life of my old father, yet I have more sympathy for them than those fallen Americans who before and at the time of our late war had the audacity to publish to the world that it was a war of egression [on] our part that it was an unjust, unnecessary, & cruel war on our part. Oh, shame, where are thy blush! The Brittish navy had imprisoned many thousands of our seafaring citizens and made them fight against a nation with whom we were at peace. Those unfortunate men frequently try to make their escape and on being caught were invariable tied up and whipt and amongest those illfated men were the two nephews of General Washington. They were of the name of Lewis; one of the brothers deserted once and was whipt. Could this good old patriot spoken from the grave what would have been his indignation, but what will not parted Spirit produce in a free country where every man is at liberty to speak and write what he pleases, but I will return to the torys of 1777.

At this time our struggle with Great Brittain was very doubtful; our northern enemy had retreated from the wafls of Quebeek to the back parts of the state of New York; Tycondaroga had fallen into the hands of the enemy without a struggle. The Indians that had heretofore been wavering now took part against us, there mode of warfare was an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages and sexes; we had no publick roads, nothing but paths leading from one cabbin to another and of course no publick mail, no news papers to inform us how our friends were coming on with the common enemy, all we heard was from travelers or from our own people returning from Hagerstown or Winchester, packing their satt our information was seldom correct. The whig would make it a little better and the tory a little worse than it really was. In this State of surpence, the stoutest hearts trembled for the fate of America, but at this time we had the revd. John Corbly settled among us. His prayers and his sermons tended to reanimate the feeble. His preaching was attended by large assemblys, many would go ten miles to hear him. He represented our cause as the cause of Heaven! There was likewise at this time a sermon printed in a pamphlet by the revd. David Jones, a Baptist preacher I have not seen it for fifty years, but I remember the text. "Fight men fully for your wives and your children and your household goods." I remember likewise that he compared the terms of unconditional submission which was offered by Great Britton to the colonies, to that of the terms offered by Nahash the Ammonite to the people of Jabesh-gilead, Ist Samuel, Chap. 11, v. 2 [p. 88] which was that Nahash was to thrust out the right eye of every man of Jabesh-Gilead and lay it for a reproach on all Isreal. The inference he drew from this passage, that we could trust nothing to the benevolence of the parent country, that we must trust in God and our own abilities to resist the common enemy.

In the Spring of 1777 there were very few disaffected people in our part of the country, even A. J.* who was afterwards considered and treated as a leading tory, was at this time a warm whig, but the Deamon of discord was shortly after this let loose. The Brittish agents came into our country like wolves in sheeps clothing. They represented our cause as hopeless; that if we were conquered with arms in our hands our lives would be endangered and at all events the lands of the Whigs would be forfitted to the Crown. About this time, a man of

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PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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Microfllm Reel No. 97

the name of Smith from the State of Dellaware (the hot bed of toryism) came to the Fort of A. J. and contined there three or four days. Shortly before this A. J. was on the verge of fighting at fisticuffs with one of the men that lived in the fort with him, on the subject of whig and tory. This was J. B. a Hatter who had a shop in one of the fort cabbins. He was an emigrant from England and like many others of his countrimen, he sucked in the love of his King with his mother's milk. He was a tory from principle and perhaps the only one at that time in the country. Shortly after this, Smith left the Fort.* [Note in Mss.: *Aaron Jenkins: this fort was on Little Whiteley.] A. J. began to alter his tone; he had two fine plantations as any in the County; the thought of leaving them was dreadful to him. The people began to hold secret meetings in the night. My father shortly after this had some conversation with A. J. and some others of his friends they gave him reasons to suspect them of toryism, but in the latter part of July my father was mowing in the meadow of one John Vantress in company with James Mundle. They fell into conversation on the subject of Whig and Tory. My Father told Mundle he thought A. J. & a number of his neighbours were tories. Mundle addressed my father as follows: William, I wish you would be caucious how you express your self; the time are critticle - it is very uncertain how the contest between us and Britton will end and I have heard your life threatened." On this, my father threwdown his scythe with great indignation and says "Who threathens my life?" Mundle refused to tell him, but declared he was my fathers friend. My father called several men that was mowing in the same meadow at some distance; they came when my father told them "My neighbour Mundle tells me there is a member _________ [sic - sentence appears to not be finished by writer.] [p. 89] Mundle became alarmed for his own safety and said that A. J. and a number of others whose names he mentioned were the men that he had seen in the fort of A. J., was knowing to their meetings and overheard this much that when their affairs came to a crisis they would be obliged to dispatch my father and two others (to wit) Capt. John Minor (now Judge Minor) and the revd John Corbly, a good old Baptist preacher whose family fell a sacrafice to the Indian tomahock. About five afterwards in a few days after this, John Mason a German blacksmith came to my father and apeared much alarmed. He addressed my father as follows "Billy this day, the morrow, or Satturday I must dye" he says "this morning I was called by neighbour A. J. who apeared in great distress and said "John I wish to tell you something, but I have sworn not to tell you, but you will be killed in three days & he shed tears in abundance. Mason says you say you wish to tell me something and you have sworn not to tell me, you have not sworn not to tell my horse (there was a horse hitched at the Smith Shop) you can tell him, the simple honest old Dutchman told the horse in presence of Mason that General Burgoyne was to send a part of his army and take Fort Pitt and the Indians was to take whelin [Wheeling] on the same day, then the torys was to declare themselves for the King and those who refused to do so would be put to death. As this was a matter of great Importance and as Mason spoke the english language very imperfectly my father thought he might not perfectly understand him. He thought proper to go with him to James Carmichael who could speak dutch, but it was found my father had understood him perfectly - Carmichael concluded to go home with Mason. The distance was about six miles and he went to the House of W. and stayed all night with him and affected to be a tory; by this means he got all out of him that he wanted. The next day he went to the foot of the mountain to Col. Gaddis & Major Springer who as soon as possible raind about forty Mounted men with a view of inquiring into these matters out from the thinness of the settlements if at that time so many men could not be collected in a day. The torys got word of what was going on for by this they had partizan every where and prepared to meet their adversarys in bloody combat the first night after Catfish Springer got the men collected they came to Provences fort on the east bank of the Monongahela river and campt there the first night the torys were collected to the number of one hundred at the distance of nearly opposite the mouth of Big Whiteley.

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PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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the name of Smith from the State of Dellaware (the hot bed of toryism) came to the Fort of A. J. and contined there three or four days. Shortly before this A. J. was on the verge of fighting at fisticuffs with one of the men that lived in the fort with him, on the subject of whig and tory. This was J. B. a Hatter who had a shop in one of the fort cabbins. He was an emigrant from England and like many others of his countrimen, he sucked in the love of his King with his mother's milk. He was a tory from principle and perhaps the only one at that time in the country. Shortly after this, Smith left the Fort.* [Note in Mss.: *Aaron Jenkins: this fort was on Little Whiteley.] A. J. began to alter his tone; he had two fine plantations as any in the County; the thought of leaving them was dreadful to him. The people began to hold secret meetings in the night. My father shortly after this had some conversation with A. J. and some others of his friends they gave him reasons to suspect them of toryism, but in the latter part of July my father was mowing in the meadow of one John Vantress in company with James Mundle. They fell into conversation on the subject of Whig and Tory. My Father told Mundle he thought A. J. & a number of his neighbours were tories. Mundle addressed my father as follows: William, I wish you would be caucious how you express your self; the time are critticle - it is very uncertain how the contest between us and Britton will end and I have heard your life threatened." On this, my father threwdown his scythe with great indignation and says "Who threathens my life?" Mundle refused to tell him, but declared he was my fathers friend. My father called several men that was mowing in the same meadow at some distance; they came when my father told them "My neighbour Mundle tells me there is a member _________ [sic - sentence appears to not be finished by writer.] [p. 89] Mundle became alarmed for his own safety and said that A. J. and a number of others whose names he mentioned were the men that he had seen in the fort of A. J., was knowing to their meetings and overheard this much that when their affairs came to a crisis they would be obliged to dispatch my father and two others (to wit) Capt. John Minor (now Judge Minor) and the revd John Corbly, a good old Baptist preacher whose family fell a sacrafice to the Indian tomahock. About five afterwards in a few days after this, John Mason a German blacksmith came to my father and apeared much alarmed. He addressed my father as follows "Billy this day, the morrow, or Satturday I must dye" he says "this morning I was called by neighbour A. J. who apeared in great distress and said "John I wish to tell you something, but I have sworn not to tell you, but you will be killed in three days & he shed tears in abundance. Mason says you say you wish to tell me something and you have sworn not to tell me, you have not sworn not to tell my horse (there was a horse hitched at the Smith Shop) you can tell him, the simple honest old Dutchman told the horse in presence of Mason that General Burgoyne was to send a part of his army and take Fort Pitt and the Indians was to take whelin [Wheeling] on the same day, then the torys was to declare themselves for the King and those who refused to do so would be put to death. As this was a matter of great Importance and as Mason spoke the english language very imperfectly my father thought he might not perfectly understand him. He thought proper to go with him to James Carmichael who could speak dutch, but it was found my father had understood him perfectly - Carmichael concluded to go home with Mason. The distance was about six miles and he went to the House of W. and stayed all night with him and affected to be a tory; by this means he got all out of him that he wanted. The next day he went to the foot of the mountain to Col. Gaddis & Major Springer who as soon as possible raind about forty Mounted men with a view of inquiring into these matters out from the thinness of the settlements if at that time so many men could not be collected in a day. The torys got word of what was going on for by this they had partizan every where and prepared to meet their adversarys in bloody combat the first night after Catfish Springer got the men collected they came to Provences fort on the east bank of the Monongahela river and campt there the first night the torys were collected to the number of one hundred at the distance of nearly opposite the mouth of Big Whiteley.

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